The Pennsylvania State University. The Graduate School. College of Education INFLUENCE OF BLACK RACIAL IDENTITY ON EARLY ADOLESCENTS

Transcription

1 The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School College of Education INFLUENCE OF BLACK RACIAL IDENTITY ON EARLY ADOLESCENTS PERCEIVED DISCRIMINATION, COPING STYLES, ACADEMIC SELF-CONCEPT, AND SCHOOL PERFORMANCE A Dissertation in School Psychology by Ashley R. Miller 2012 Ashley R. Miller Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2012

2 ii The dissertation of Ashley R. Miller was reviewed and approved* by the following: Beverly J. Vandiver Associate Professor of Education Dissertation Adviser Chair of Committee James C. DiPerna Associate Professor of Education Professor in Charge of the Program of School Psychology Barbara A. Schaefer Associate Professor of Education Keith B. Wilson Professor of Education *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School

3 iii ABSTRACT The purpose of this study was to examine the practical utility of Black racial identity, as measured by the Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS), in relation to other sociocultural variables in the school context. Participants were 125 eighth graders who racially identified as African American or Black and were attending charter schools in the Midwest U.S. They were administered a survey packet, which contained measures on perceived experience of discrimination (general & school-related), coping styles, academic self-concept, and proximal indicators of school performance (self-reported grades by subject; peer/family support; asking parents/teachers for help; & average study time). Primary analyses were multiple regression and canonical correlation analysis. Four hypotheses were tested with mixed results. Hypothesis 1, which tested the relation between Black racial identity and the two types of discrimination, was partially supported in that youth with a self-hatred attitude perceived more discrimination, whereas the opposite was true of youth with an assimilation attitude. Adolescents with an anti- White attitude were more perceptive only to racial discrimination in the schools versus in general. Hypothesis 2 focused on coping and was not supported, but other findings emerged: Youth who rated themselves high on both Self-Hatred and Multiculturalist seemed to reflect racial identity confusion and were likely to respond to stressors with avoidance. Hypothesis 3 was supported where Black racial identity was not related with academic self-concept. Personal identity is not considered the same as Black racial identity, which is a representation of social identity. The fourth hypothesis, which involved the proximal indicators of school performance, was not supported. However, a positive relation was found between the multiculturalist attitude and performance in history class. Finally, students with a pro-black attitude reported receiving more encouragement from their parents and friends to do well in school. They also were more likely to ask their parents for help when they did not understand something. Although the

4 iv hypotheses received mixed support, all findings supported the essence of the expanded nigrescence theory and the usefulness of the CRIS. In conclusion, findings from this study may be informative to school personnel in understanding the value of Black racial identity in relation to various sociocultural variables (e.g., perception of discrimination, coping strategies, & academic skills & support) in the school context, as reflected in the expanded nigrescence theory and as measured by the CRIS.

5 v TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES... ix LIST OF FIGURES... x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS... xi INTRODUCTION... 1 LITERATURE REVIEW... 5 Cross Nigrescence Models... 5 The Original Nigrescence Model... 5 Pre-Encounter... 6 Encounter... 6 Immersion-Emersion... 6 Internalization... 7 Internalization-Commitment... 7 The Revised Nigrescence Model... 7 Pre-Encounter... 9 Encounter Immersion-Emersion Internalization The Expanded Nigrescence Model Measurement of Nigrescence Racial Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS) Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS) Measurement Selection Black Racial Identity and Sociocultural Variables Findings Using the CRIS Demographics Enculturation Mental Health Perceived Discrimination School Performance Additional Findings of Black Racial Identity... 32

6 vi Academic Outcomes School Performance Perceived Racial Discrimination Coping Summary The Present Study Research Question Hypotheses Hypothesis Hypothesis Hypothesis Hypothesis METHOD Participants Description of Charter Schools Philosophy School School School School School School Measures Demographic Questionnaire Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS) Everyday Discrimination Scale-Adolescent (EDS-A) School Discrimination Scale (SDS) Coping Strategy Indicator (CSI) Academic Self-concept Scale (ASCS) Procedures Research Team... 63

7 vii Recruitment Consent and Assent Data Collection RESULTS Preliminary Analyses Basic Parametric Assumptions Reliability Estimates Evidence for Factor Structure EDS-A SDS CSI Descriptive Statistics Primary Analyses Hypothesis 1: Black Racial Identity and Perceived Discrimination General Discrimination School-Based Racial Discrimination Hypothesis 2: Black Racial Identity and Coping Styles Hypothesis 3: Black Racial Identity and Academic Self-Concept Hypothesis 4: Black Racial Identity and School Variables Self-Reported Grades Proximal Indicators of School Performance DISCUSSION Overview Black Racial Identity and Perceived Discrimination Black Racial Identity and Coping Styles Black Racial Identity and Academic Self-Concept Black Racial Identity and School Performance Self-Reported Grades Proximal Indicators of School Performance Contextual Variables Limitations

8 viii Practical Implications Black Racial Identity Perceived Discrimination Coping Strategies Academic Support Future Research Conclusions REFERENCES Appendix A: Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS) Appendix B: Demographic Sheet Appendix C: Everyday Discrimination Scale-Adolescent (EDS-A) Appendix D: School Discrimination Scale (SDS) Appendix E: Coping Strategies Indicator (CSI) Appendix F: Academic Self-Concept Scale (ASCS) Appendix G: Director of Charter Schools Letter to Teachers: Invitation to Participate in Study Appendix H: Sample Invitation to Principals to Participate in Study Appendix I: Letter to Parents: Invitation to Participate in Study Appendix J: Parental Denial of Consent to Participate in Study Form Appendix K: Assent (Agree) to Participate in Study Form Appendix L: Standardized Instructions Appendix M: Correlation Matrix of Everyday Discrimination Scale-Adolescent (EDS-A) Items Appendix N: Correlation Matrix of School Discrimination Scale (SDS) Items Appendix O: Correlation Matrix of Coping Strategy Indicator (CSI) Items

9 ix LIST OF TABLES Table 1 Summary of Participant Demographic Features Table 2 Charter School Profiles: Demographic Information and Standardized Academic Performance on State Test Table 3 Reliability Estimates (Cronbach s α) of Scale Scores Table 4 Table 5 Reliability Estimates (Cronbach s α) of Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS) Scores Reliability Estimates (Cronbach s α) of School Discrimination Scale (SDS) Scores Table 6 Summary of Cases Deleted Table 7 Table 8 Table 9 Summary of EFA (Principal Axis Extraction) of Everyday Discrimination Scale-Adolescent Summary of EFA (Principal Axis Extraction, Promax Rotation) of School Discrimination Scale Summary of EFA (Principal Axis Extraction, Promax Rotation) of Coping Strategy Indicator Table 10 Means, Standard Deviations, Reliability Estimates, and Bivariate Correlations of CRIS, SDS, CSI, EDS-A, ASCS, and School Performance Scores Table 11 Standard Multiple Regression Analysis of CRIS and EDS-A Variables Table 12 Canonical Correlation Analysis of CRIS and SDS Variables Table 13 Canonical Correlation Analysis of CRIS and CSI Variables Table 14 Standard Multiple Regression Analysis of CRIS and ASCS Variables Table 15 Canonical Correlation Analysis of CRIS Variables and Self-Reported Grades Table 16 Canonical Correlation Analysis of CRIS and Perceived School Performance Variables Table 17 Mean Socioeconomic Status T Scores for Assimilation, Multiculturalist, and Perceived Teacher Discrimination for Participating Schools

10 x LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4 Canonical Function: Bi-Modal Black Racial Identity in Perceived School Discrimination Canonical Function: Black Racial Identity-As-Risk and Negative Coping Strategies Canonical Function: Multiculturalist Black Racial Identity on History Grade Canonical Function: Pro-Black Racial Identity and Perceived School Supports... 96

11 xi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This project would not have been possible without the support of many people. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Dr. Beverly Vandiver, my dissertation adviser and committee chair. Thank you for sharing your time, knowledge, and enthusiasm for research with me. Your guidance has been invaluable. Thank you to the other members of my committee, Dr. James DiPerna, Dr. Barbara Schaefer, and Dr. Keith Wilson, as well as Dr. Shirley Woika for your support and expertise throughout the course of my graduate studies. In addition, thank you to Ms. Becky Holter for everything you do for the School Psychology Program. You are the heart of the program. My sincerest gratitude is extended to Dr. Shannon Chavez-Korell. This study never would have come to fruition without your passion for community research. Your serenity is contagious. A heartfelt thank you is extended to my friends and family. I thank my parents, Jeff and Deb Miller, for their never-ending support throughout my school career. To Austin, my brother, thank you for always being by my side. Thank you to my future in-laws, Mr. Scott and Mrs. Leona Ryan, for your belief in me. I am grateful to my graduate school cohort, Dr. Erica Culler and Dr. Catherine Goffreda, as well as my internship cohort, Dr. Adrienne Hunnitcutt, Dr. Kelly Lawrence, Dr. Sarah Hall, Dr. Lisa Barrois, and Sally McClurg, for your support and encouragement during our professional journey together and your everlasting friendship. Emily DeBord, thank you for always putting a smile on my face since sixth grade. On those difficult last months, my puppy, Scrappy, provided me with a breath of fresh air and comic relief. Finally, thank you to my fiancé, Dr. Jason Ryan, for your everlasting patience and love 1. 1 This research project was partially supported by the Specialization in Culture and Language Education (SCALE) grant through the Office of Special Education Programs in the U.S. Department of Education (Award Number: H325D050056). It is anticipated that the results of this study will contribute to the empirical literature regarding the development of Black racial identity in adolescents and its practical utility of school-based sociocultural variables.

12 1 INTRODUCTION Identity is a multifaceted concept that begins to develop in childhood and becomes more fortified during adolescence due to increased metacognitive awareness and changes in societal expectations (Brown & Bigler, 2005; Erikson, 1968). Individual experiences, family dynamics, and historical, social, cultural, and political factors all influence the creation of one s identity (Erikson, 1968). Racial identity is one type of identity that may form as a result of those experiences and may play a critical role in the development of one s self-concept (Cross & Fhagen-Smith, 1996, 2001; Cross, Strauss, & Fhagen-Smith, 1999). The attitudes individuals maintain about their race can have overarching effects on how they view and present themselves to others (e.g., levels of assimilation & social preferences; Broderick & Blewitt, 2006). Racial identity attitudes are complex and are reflected in individuals immersion into racially related activities and positive feelings of self-worth, or alternatively, in individuals self-hating behaviors and feelings of inferiority (Broderick & Blewitt, 2006). Moreover, individuals from the same racial group can exhibit a great deal of variance with respect to their racial identity, underscoring the multidimensional complexity of the construct (Cross, 1991; Cross & Vandiver, 2001; Phinney, 1990; Sellers, Rowley, Chavous, Shelton, & Smith, 1997; Sellers, Smith, Shelton, Rowley, & Chavous, 1998). One of the most prominent racial identity models has been the Cross (1971, 1991; Cross & Vandiver, 2001) model of nigrescence 2. Over time, the original nigrescence model (Cross, 1971) has evolved into a comprehensive theory of nigrescence (Cross, 1991; Cross & Vandiver, 2001). Within nigrescence theory, Cross (1971, 1991; Cross & Vandiver, 2001) delineates a conceptual framework of Black racial identity attitudes that individuals might form based on their sociocultural experiences. 2 Nigrescence is a French term that describes the process of becoming Black (Cross, 1978).

13 2 As Black racial identity is considered to be a multidimensional construct (Cross, 1991; Cross & Vandiver, 2001; Phinney, 1990; Sellers et al., 1997, 1998), its measurement and interpretation must be treated as such (Worrell, Vandiver, & Cross, 2004). The Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS; Vandiver et al., 2000) is a multidimensional measure of Black racial identity based on the expanded nigrescence model (Cross & Vandiver, 2001). Internal consistency of CRIS scores has been consistently strong (Worrell & Watson, 2008). Using multiple regression (MR), the CRIS has been found to be a useful predictor of college adjustment (Anglin & Wade, 2007), school climate (Gardner-Kitt, 2005), and coping efficacy (Leon, 2009). More recently, CRIS patterns using cluster analysis have been found to be related with enculturation (Chavez-Korell & Vandiver, 2011) and psychological stress, psychological wellbeing, and hardiness (Whittaker & Neville, 2010). According to Worrell, Vandiver, and Cross (2004), canonical correlation analysis (CCA) is another multivariate technique that would be useful in examining CRIS subscale scores with other sociocultural variables. To date, most of the studies that have used the CRIS as a measure of Black racial identity have been conducted on college-age or adult participants. Given that adolescence is a critical time for identity formation (Erikson, 1968), it is imperative that the utility of CRIS scores also be examined in this age population. According to the U.S. Department of Commerce (2005), 95% of teens are enrolled in school, with most of them spending over 1,100 hours per year within the academic setting (Baines, 2007). Because adolescents spend a significant amount of time within the secondary school system, examining Black racial identity within this context is warranted. Research has shown that the secondary school setting has frequently resulted in heightened racial salience, greater awareness of racial group stereotypes, and increased levels of social exclusion

14 3 (Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). Indeed, within the secondary school setting, African American youth have reported racially biased treatment as a common occurrence, for example, perceiving that they receive lower grades and poorer evaluations from teachers, as well as harsher discipline from administrators due to their race. Black adolescents also have reported experiencing discrimination in schools from peers, such as perceiving they are picked on or are socially excluded as a result of their race (Fisher, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000; Wong, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2003). The ramifications of such discriminatory practices have been purported to have a negative impact on the psychological functioning and academic performance of Black adolescents. Furthermore, direct relations have been reported between Black teens perceived racial discrimination and lower self-esteem (Fisher et al., 2000; Wong et al., 2003), more psychological stress (Scott & House, 2005), increased behavioral problems (Smalls, White, Chavous, & Sellers, 2007; Wong et al., 2003), lower academic persistence (Smalls et al., 2007; Wong et al., 2003), and decreased academic achievement (Smalls et al., 2007; Witherspoon, Speight, & Thomas, 1997). Moreover, the school setting seems to be an opportune context within which to study African American youth s racial identity development (e.g., Cross & Fhagen-Smith, 1996, 2001; Cross et al., 1999; Phinney, 1989; Worrell & Gardner-Kitt, 2006) and experiences with racial discrimination (e.g., Smalls et al., 2007; Wong et al., 2003). Other sociocultural variables of interest in the school context include coping strategies (e.g., Amirkhan & Auyeung, 2007; Scott, 2003) and academic self-concept (e.g., Witherspoon et al., 1997). Understanding adolescents perceptions of discrimination, their coping strategies, and their academic self-worth are important for theoretical and applied reasons. At the theoretical level, perceiving oneself to be the target of discrimination or perceiving oneself as being a poor student is likely to affect

15 4 identity formation, peer relations, occupational goals, mental health, and physical well-being. At the applied level, understanding Black adolescents perceptions of discrimination and academic self-concept can assist school personnel in developing interventions aimed at helping teachers, administrators, and students recognize, combat, and cope with related difficulties (Brown & Bigler, 2005). The purpose of this study, therefore, was to examine the relation between Black racial identity, as measured by the CRIS, and other sociocultural variables in the school context in a sample of adolescents. The sociocultural variables under study were perceived experience of discrimination (general & school-related), coping styles, academic self-concept, and proximal indicators of school performance (self-reported grades, parental/friend encouragement, asking parents/teachers, & study time).

16 5 LITERATURE REVIEW Several sets of literature, divided into four main sections, are reviewed to provide the theoretical and empirical foundation for the current study. The beginning of the first section provides an overview of the historical context underlying nigrescence theory. Specifically, Cross (1971) original nigrescence model is introduced. The section concludes with a review of the revised (Cross, 1991) and expanded (Cross & Vandiver, 2001) models. In the second section, the measurement of nigrescence is discussed, including an overview of the Racial Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS; Parham & Helms, 1981) and the CRIS (Vandiver et al., 2000). The third section summarizes studies that have examined the relation between the CRIS and other sociocultural variables, namely demographics, enculturation, mental health, perceived discrimination, and school performance. Also highlighted are studies that pertain to the relation between Black racial identity, not measured by the CRIS, and school performance, perceived racial discrimination, and coping within the school context. A description of the current study s purpose, goal, and hypotheses are presented in the fourth and final section of the literature review. Cross Nigrescence Models One of the most popular and withstanding models of racial identity has been Cross (1971, 1991; Cross & Vandiver, 2001) nigrescence model. Three iterations of Cross model have evolved: The 1971 version commonly is referred to as the original model; the 1991 version is referred to as the revised model; and the current version is known as the expanded model (Cross & Vandiver, 2001). The Original Nigrescence Model Cross (1971) original model describes the process of becoming Black in five stages (Pre- Encounter, Encounter, Immersion-Emersion, Internalization, & Internalization-Commitment).

17 6 Underlying the model are three assumptions: (a) Racial identity occurs sequentially, from one stage to another and as such, characterizes a developmental model; (b) Black individuals movement between stages is prompted by their response to socially oppressive events; and (c) African Americans progression through stages reflects an attitudinal shift where they move from low self-esteem and other mental health problems to high self-esteem and positive mental health functioning. Pre-Encounter. The Pre-Encounter stage describes the nature of the old (i.e., Negro) identity to be changed. In this stage, Blacks adopt a pro-white identity and an anti-black stance where they think, act, and behave in ways that devalue Blackness (Cross, 1971). African Americans in this stage tend to feel comfortable with the old worldview and typically are resistant, if not hostile, to information that contests major components of the old frame of reference (Cross, 1978, p. 17). Blacks in Pre-Encounter are believed to be self-hating, resulting in low self-esteem, impaired personality, and poor mental health functioning; however, when confronted by an episode or a series of salient racial events that contradict their pro-american worldviews, Blacks enter the Encounter stage (Cross, 1971). Encounter. With information and social support, African Americans in the Encounter stage reinterpret their beliefs about the role of race in American society (Cross, 1971). With this re-examination, they throw caution into the wind and begin a frantic, determined, obsessive, and extremely motivated search for Black identity (Cross, 1978, p. 17), making the decision to become Black. This re-examination of their belief system can lead to a re-evaluation of their racial identity and propel them into Stage 3, Immersion-Emersion (Cross, 1971). Immersion-Emersion. This stage chronicles a volatile two-fold transition from the old (i.e., Negro) racial identity to the new (i.e., Black) one. At the beginning of this stage,

18 7 African Americans immerse themselves into Black culture to the point of romanticizing it. They disparage White people and White culture, glorify African heritage, and engage in dichotomous thinking. Emersion, which characterizes the movement out of Stage 3, results in another reevaluation process. Emotions begin to temper, and these African Americans start to replace their defensive attitudes with openness, prompting them to think more critically about their experiences and racial identity. The balance of affect and cognition results in the abandonment of anti-white sentiments and movement into the Internalization stage (Cross, 1971). Internalization. Internalization describes the affective and cognitive acceptance of being Black, wherein being Black is now the background of one s existence, and other aspects of identity are considered to be as important as race. African Americans who internalize their racial identity but discontinue involvement in the Black Social Movement remain in the Internalization stage, while those who continue to be social activists move forward into the Internalization- Commitment stage (Cross, 1971). Internalization-Commitment. Black individuals within this stage not only internalize their new (i.e., Black) identity but also strive to convert their identity into activities that are meaningful to the group. Thus, Blacks in the Internalization-Commitment stage advance selfacceptance one-step further, translating it into activism. In contrast to African Americans in the Pre-Encounter stage, Blacks in the Internalization stages are viewed as psychologically healthy. Moreover, movement from Pre-Encounter to Internalization reflects a movement from psychological illness to psychological well-being (Cross, 1971). The Revised Nigrescence Model In his 1991 book, Shades of Black, Cross provided an extensive literature review on Black racial identity. In response to criticism by scholars (e.g., Helms, 1989; Parham, 1989), and on the basis of the empirical work he reviewed and the evolution of his thinking, Cross revised

19 8 the original nigrescence model. The revised model contains the ideas expressed in the original five stages in the same sequence, but substantive changes were made, especially within the Pre- Encounter and Internalization stages. In addition, seven other changes were made to the revised model: (a) Nigrescence began to shift from a stage model to an experiential process, (b) selfconcept was conceived as two-fold: reference group orientation (RGO) and personal identity (PI), (c) the concept of race salience was introduced, (d) attitudes of Black racial identity were delineated, (e) a linear relation was no longer made between the stages and psychological functioning, (f) racial identity was no longer considered to be due solely to the oppressive or discriminatory aspects of society, and (g) Parham s (1989) concept of recycling was incorporated. Perhaps the most profound change to Cross (1971) original nigrescence model was the division of self-concept into two parts: PI and RGO. PI reflects the unique aspects of an individual (e.g., personality traits), whereas RGO is based on social affiliations (e.g., race, gender, religion, & sexual orientation). Most changes pertaining to the formation of Black racial identity occur in the RGO, and few occur in the PI (Cross, 1991). As such, Black racial identity is the way individuals think, feel, and behave in relation to a matrix of reference group orientations (e.g., no significance given to being Black, primary focus on being Black, or diverse cultural connections; Cross, 1991). Cross (1991) also introduced the concept of race salience, the importance or significance of race in a person s approach to life. Race salience is comprised of two dimensions: (a) degree of importance, which can range from low to high, and (b) direction of valence, which can range from positive to negative. For example, a Black person might have a high salience for race with a positive (pro-black) valence or a high salience for race with a negative (anti-black) valence.

20 9 Cross (1991) incorporated Parham s (1989) concept of recycling into his revised model. As originally conceptualized, nigrescence was believed to be a one-time occurrence in the lives of African Americans, involving a complete cycle through the five stages (Cross, 1971). However, Cross (1991) came to realize that the Internalization phase does not permanently conclude the nigrescence process for all African Americans. Therefore, recycling is incorporated into the revised theory to describe when individuals return to certain stages of nigrescence as a result of challenges they encounter in their lives. In recycling, individuals work toward continued growth in their thinking about what it means to be Black (Cross, 1991; Parham, 1989). Additional changes to Cross (1991) revised model are found within the various stages. Below is a brief review of the five stages of the revised model. Key assumptions that demarcate the revised stages from the original model (Cross, 1971) are highlighted, with a particular emphasis on the attitudes that now underscore each stage. Pre-Encounter. Acceptance of an American perspective and rejection of Black beliefs are no longer considered to be reflective of a single identity. Rather, two Pre-Encounter attitudes are described in Cross (1991) revised nigrescence model: Assimilation and Anti-Black. The Assimilation attitude characterizes Black individuals who adopt a pro-american or mainstream attitude. They do not view race as being important to their identity. This view does not mean that individuals with an Assimilation attitude are anti-black; rather, race, for them, has low salience with a neutral valence. The second attitude, Anti-Black, describes African Americans who hold stereotypical views about their race, as well as have a profound personal dislike for being Black. As such, race for these individuals is comprised of high salience and negative valence. Additionally, individuals holding an anti-black attitude may have low levels of self-

21 10 esteem, as negative stereotypes about race become intertwined with their personal identities, possibly resulting in self-hatred (Cross, 1991). Encounter. Cross (1991) did not make any changes to the Encounter stage but reiterated the importance of significant experiences that lead to an identity change. According to Cross, an encounter can be a single event or a series of small, eye-opening episodes (Cross, 1991, p. 200) that, if personalized, has the potential to precipitate a change in identity. The Encounter stage represents a fluid period in development; as such, the stage is not easily categorized with attitudes like the other stages (Vandiver, 2001). Immersion-Emersion. Cross (1991) made two principal changes to Immersion- Emersion in the revised model. First, in the original nigrescence model, Cross (1971) indicated that the intense Black involvement that took place during Immersion-Emersion was a sign of a Black Nationalist sentiment. In the revised model, Cross (1991) separates idealized immersion into Black culture (Intense Black Involvement) from an emersion into Black culture representative of Black pride (Black Nationalism), which is an attitude of an internalized identity. Second, in the revised model, the pro-black (Intense Black Involvement) and anti- White aspects of Immersion are conceptualized as two separate identities rather than one identity comprised of two parts. Black individuals in Immersion can hold either one of the identities or both. Cross (1991) has continued to maintain that emersion into Internalization occurs when the heightened affect of Immersion-Emersion is brought under control. Internalization. Cross (1991) made two primary revisions to the Internalization stages. First, Cross collapsed the fourth (Internalization) and fifth (Internalization-Commitment) stages into a single stage, Internalization, concluding that there are few differences between the psychology of Blacks at these two stages beyond the important factor of sustained interest and

22 11 commitment (Cross, 1991, p. 220). Second, three attitudes (Black Nationalist, Biculturalist, & Multiculturalist) now describe Internalization, each of which characterizes individuals who are comfortable with their Blackness. What distinguishes the three internalized attitudes from each other is the number of salient identities beyond being Black. For the Black Nationalist, being Black is the only salient identity and is achieved through social and political activism in empowering the Black community. For the Biculturalist, two salient identities characterize the person, typically a sense of Blackness and a sense of Americanness. Last, three or more salient identities underscore the Multiculturalist, such as a sense of Blackness fused with a sense of religion, sexual orientation, or gender. The Expanded Nigrescence Model The revised model (Cross, 1991) provided the impetus for the development of the CRIS (Vandiver et al., 2000), which, in turn, has provided support for the existence of multiple nigrescence attitudes. During scale development of the CRIS, another iteration of the model emerged, the expanded nigrescence model (Cross & Vandiver, 2001). The racial attitudes first noted in the revised model are further fleshed out in the expanded model, resulting in the delineation of nine racial attitudes. The separation of personal identity (PI) and reference group orientation (RGO), as well as recycling, are still maintained in the expanded model; however, greater emphasis is placed on an attitudinal model rather than a stage model, given the indefinite universe of Black identities (Cross & Vandiver, 2001). African Americans may still go through a series of experiences in developing a racial identity, but not every individual starts at Pre- Encounter or identifies with a single identity across time (Cokley & Vandiver, 2011). Below is a brief review of the expanded nigrescence model and its differentiation from the revised model.

23 12 In the expanded model (Cross & Vandiver, 2001), three attitudes characterize Pre- Encounter, all of which reflect the endorsement of a mainstream RGO but for different reasons. As in the revised model (Cross, 1991), Assimilation refers to a pro-american RGO. Unlike the revised model, Anti-Black has been separated into two attitudes: Miseducation and Self-Hatred. This separation occurred because (a) not all miseducated Blacks necessarily hate themselves, and (b) measurement revealed two separate constructs (Vandiver, Fhagen-Smith, Cokley, Cross, & Worrell, 2001). Miseducation refers to the stereotypical views that individuals adopt about other Blacks and thus is representative of a moderate negative race salience, while Self-Hatred refers to the attitude African Americans have who are uncomfortable with, and personally reject, being Black. Therefore, Self-Hatred denotes high negative race salience (Cross & Vandiver, 2001). Encounter continues to not be characterized by any attitudes in the expanded nigrescence model (Cross & Vandiver, 2001) given its transitory nature. Immersion-Emersion consists of the same two attitudes described in the revised model (Cross, 1991): Intense Black Involvement and Anti-White. An additional attitude, Multiculturalist Racial, has been added to Internalization, which continues to be characterized by Black Nationalism (Afrocentric), Biculturalism, and Multiculturalism Inclusive. As before, all attitudes within Internalization have a high positive race salience for being Black, with the only difference being the number of salient cultural identities. The distinction between Multicultural Inclusive and Multicultural Racial is that African Americans associated with the former focus on multiple salient cultural identities and on building alliances with anyone interested in working toward social equity, while African Americans associated with the latter do not extend their RGO to non-racial minority groups, such as gays/lesbians or well-informed Whites (Cross & Vandiver, 2001).

24 13 Despite the expanded model (Cross & Vandiver, 2001), many scholars continue to (a) use the original model (Cross, 1971), (b) misinterpret the revised (Cross, 1991) and expanded models, (c) mesh the three models into a single model, (d) use the CRIS as a measure of the original and revised models, or (e) misuse (single subscale interpretation) and misinterpret the meaning of CRIS scores (Cokley & Vandiver, 2011; Worrell, Vandiver, Schaefer, Cross, & Fhagen-Smith, 2006). Cokley and Vandiver (2011) have hypothesized that the theoretical flaws are due to the intuitive appeal of the original model, for it seems logical that psychological health and self-esteem would be linked linearly to internalizing a Black racial identity; however, empirical evidence has not supported this premise (Jones, Cross, & DeFour, 2007; Miller & Vandiver, 2007; Worrell, Vandiver, & Cross, 2004). Further, a misunderstanding of the multidimensional nature of Black racial identity may be responsible for some researchers committing the flaws about the expanded model and its measurement (Cokley & Vandiver, 2011). Measurement of Nigrescence The only two widely used measures of Black racial identity based on nigrescence theory are the Racial Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS; Parham & Helms, 1981) and the CRIS (Vandiver et al., 2000). The basis of the RIAS is the original nigrescence model (Cross, 1971), whereas the foundation of the CRIS is on the expanded model (Cross & Vandiver, 2001). A PsychInfo search revealed that the RIAS has been the most popular and frequently used Black racial identity measure since its development in 1981, with over 200 publications that have cited or used it. Since its development in 2000, the CRIS has been cited or used in over 100 publications. A brief overview of the RIAS and the CRIS are provided; a more detailed review of the CRIS is contained in the Method section of this study.

25 14 Racial Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS) Designed to measure four of the five Black racial identities delineated in the original nigrescence model (Cross, 1971; Pre-Encounter, Encounter, Immersion-Emersion, & Internalization), the RIAS scales (Helms & Parham, 1996; Parham & Helms, 1981) have made nigrescence theory more accessible for practical and research applications (Cokley & Vandiver, 2011). Two short forms (30 items; Helms & Parham, 1996; Parham & Helms, 1981) and one long form (50 items; Helms & Parham, 1996) have been developed. Despite its continued use, the psychometric adequacy of RIAS scores has been in question for over a decade. Internal consistency of scores on the RIAS has ranged from.27 to.86 depending on the version used (Fischer & Moradi, 2001; Ponterotto & Sabnani, 1989; Sabnani & Ponterotto, 1992), with reliability of scores for the Encounter subscale being the most variable (Cokley & Vandiver, 2011). Additionally, evidence for factor structure has not supported the full dimensionality of the scale. Helms and Parham (1996) reported the existence of a four-factor solution for the RIAS, but little information was provided about criteria used for exploratory factor analysis (EFA). Additional EFAs conducted on the RIAS only have found support for a three-factor solution: Pre-Encounter, Immersion-Emersion, and Internalization (Ponterotto & Wise, 1987; Stevenson, 1995; Tokar & Fisher, 1998; Yanico, Swanson, & Tokar, 1994). A four-factor structure tested through confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) has not been supported. The data s fit to the model was poor: The goodness of fit index (GFI) was.65, and the measure of misfit (root mean square error of approximation; RMSEA) was.12 (Tokar & Fisher, 1998), both below the expected values of.90 and.08, respectively (Kline, 2005). Furthermore, validity work on the RIAS has been extensive, but findings have been mixed. In turn, the RIAS scales no longer are considered to be viable instruments for two primary reasons. One, the scales have not been changed since their development despite their psychometric

26 15 limitations, and two, the scales are grounded in Cross (1971) original nigrescence model, which now is outdated (Cokley & Vandiver, 2011). Cross Racial Identity Scale (CRIS) The CRIS (Vandiver et al., 2000) is a 40-item instrument that measures six nigrescence attitudes as described in the expanded nigrescence model (Cross & Vandiver, 2001). The six subscales are Pre-Encounter Assimilation, Pre-Encounter Miseducation, Pre-Encounter Self- Hatred, Immersion-Emersion Anti-White, Internalization Afrocentricity, and Internalization Multiculturalist Inclusive 3. A description of the subscales is summarized on page 56, and a sample of a CRIS item for each subscale is presented in Appendix A. Reliability estimates of scores for the CRIS subscales have ranged from.70 (Self-Hatred) to.89 (Anti-White; Mdn =.82; Worrell & Watson, 2008), and the six-factor structure has been supported in six independent samples using EFA (Gardner-Kitt & Worrell, 2007; Simmons, Worrell, & Berry, 2008; Vandiver et al., 2001; Vandiver, Cross, Worrell, & Fhagen-Smith, 2002; Worrell, Vandiver, Cross, & Fhagen-Smith, 2004; Worrell et al., 2006) and CFA (Vandiver et al., 2001; Worrell & Watson, 2008). Preliminary support for the convergent validity of CRIS scores has been found with the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (MIBI; Sellers et al., 1997). In addition, a social desirability measure and a measure of personality traits have provided preliminary support for the discriminant validity of CRIS scores (Vandiver et al., 2001). Alexander and Suzuki (2001) complimented the CRIS for its orthogonal subscales and strong reliability and validity of scores but were concerned that the Encounter stage was not tapped, limiting the full measurement of the expanded nigrescence model (Cross & Vandiver, 2001). As Cokley (2007) noted, however, empirical evidence has consistently indicated that 3 Here forward, the first part of CRIS subscale names will be dropped. Thus, Pre-Encounter Assimilation will be referred to as Assimilation, just as Immersion-Emersion Anti-White will be referred to as Anti-White.

27 16 Encounter attitudes cannot or should not be measured (p. 231). A recent study by Simmons et al. (2008) examined the internal consistency and structural validity of scores on the African Self- Consciousness Scale (ASCS; Baldwin & Bell, 1982), the MIBI (Sellers et al., 1997), and the CRIS. Only CRIS scores had reliability estimates equal to or greater than.75 for each subscale score, and the CRIS was the only measure to have its proposed factor structure replicated. Such evidence coincides with recent reviews that have highlighted the CRIS as an example of best practice in scale development (Cokley, 2007; Ponterotto & Park-Taylor, 2007). Nevertheless, some researchers (Anglin & Wade, 2007; Cokley, 2002b; Cokley & Helm, 2007) have expressed concerns with the definitional clarity and validity of the Afrocentric subscale, questioning whether it measures the Afrocentric construct or something else, such as racialized stereotyping. Measurement Selection An alignment between theory and scale is important when choosing a measurement tool. Versions of the RIAS (Helms & Parham, 1996; Parham & Helms, 1981) were developed based on Cross (1971) original nigrescence model, while the CRIS (Vandiver et al., 2000) was developed based on Cross and Vandiver s (2001) expanded nigrescence model; thus, since nigrescence theory has undergone several theoretical revisions, it only would be in best practice that the Black racial identity measurement tool used in this study align with updated theory. Therefore, in this study, the CRIS is used instead of the RIAS. Black Racial Identity and Sociocultural Variables Findings Using the CRIS Between 2000 and 2011, the CRIS has been used as a measure of Black racial identity in approximately 41 articles in peer-reviewed journals and 48 dissertations. The CRIS has also been used in 7 master s theses. These numbers are a rough estimate of the use of the CRIS, which was obtained through formal searches using PsychInfo, Google, and Google Scholar.

28 17 Several criteria were used to determine which studies were pertinent to be included in this literature review. First, the six CRIS subscales had to be examined in tandem to maintain the multidimensionality of the scale. Second, the CRIS could not be modified in any way. Third, multivariate methods, including multiple regression (MR), had to be used. For example, studies that only used bivariate correlations or ANOVA were not reviewed. Fourth, enough information had to be provided to know that the statistical procedures were used appropriately. Of the 96 potential studies for review, 22 met selection criteria. After reviewing these 22 studies, nine were eliminated, as they did not have direct application to the current study. The focus of these nine studies involved the relation of Black racial identity via the CRIS and (a) aspects of mental health functioning (Elion, 2007; James, 2005; Leach, Baker, & Zeigler-Hill, 2011; Wright, 2003), (b) counseling (Ferguson, Leach, Levy, Nicholson, & Johnson, 2008; Townes, Chavez- Korell, & Cunningham, 2009; White, 2002; J. S. Williams, 2010), and (c) ethnic identity (Worrell & Gardner-Kitt, 2006). The remaining 13 studies using the CRIS were considered appropriate for inclusion in this literature review, focusing only on findings regarding the use of the CRIS. Demographics. Three studies have explored the relation between the CRIS and demographic variables (Anglin & Whaley, 2006; Fhagen-Smith, Vandiver, Worrell, & Cross, 2010; Worrell, 2008). Anglin and Whaley (2006) examined the effect of racial identity on racial identity labels in a sample of 123 Black college students (61% female), focusing on those students who self-identified as Black (12%), African American (28%), West Indian/Caribbean (33%), or African (14%). Students who identified as Other (2%), Black Hispanic (5%), or Biracial (6%) were removed because there were too few for statistical analyses.

29 18 After adjusting logistic regression models for age, gender, family income, and school location, the association between the CRIS subscales and use of a specific label (coded 1) versus others (coded 0) was statistically significant for two of the four labels tested. Individuals who identified as African American were more likely to endorse assimilation attitudes (Odds Ratio [OR] = 1.3) and less likely to endorse miseducated attitudes (OR =.92). The West Indian/Caribbean label was associated with higher scores on Miseducation (OR = 1.24). No relation emerged between racial identity attitudes and the labels African and Black (Anglin & Whaley, 2006). Worrell (2008) conducted a cross-sectional analysis of the CRIS across ages using archival data. Participants were African American adolescents (n = 143; 70% female), young adults (n = 306; 63% female), and adults (n = 105; 71% female). Based on a one-way MANOVA (partial η 2 =.11) and follow-up analyses of ANOVA and t-tests, the six CRIS scores generally were congruent across ages with one exception: Adolescents reported higher Pre- Encounter attitudes (Assimilation, Self-Hatred, & Miseducation) than emerging adults and adults. The CRIS was examined in relation to several demographic features: gender, community type (suburban & urban), and socioeconomic status (SES) by Fhagen-Smith et al. (2010). Participants were 336 Black college students (63% female). Two of the three 1-way MANOVAs with follow-up ANOVAs were statistically significant. In regard to gender (partial η 2 =.07), males reported higher Afrocentric scores than females, and females reported higher Multiculturalist scores than males. In addition, individuals from suburban communities endorsed higher scores on Assimilation and Miseducation than did college students from urban communities (partial η 2 =.04). No relation emerged between the CRIS and SES.

30 19 In summation, relations appear to exist between Black racial identity, as measured by the CRIS, and demographic variables: the language used to label oneself (Anglin & Whaley, 2006), age (Worrell, 2008), gender (Fhagen-Smith et al., 2010), and community type (Fhagen-Smith et al., 2010). These results generally have corresponded with the relation between Black racial identity and demographics in the expanded nigrescence theory (Cross & Vandiver, 2001). Race salience for individuals with an assimilation attitude is low or neutral, with an American identity being at the forefront (Cross & Vandiver, 2001). Thus, individuals with an assimilation attitude would be expected to acknowledge both aspects of themselves, being American and being African, as was found by Anglin and Whaley (2006). The finding that individuals who selfidentify as West Indian/Caribbean were more likely to report a miseducated attitude (Anglin & Whaley, 2006) underscores the notion that Blacks come from different cultural backgrounds and thus encounter different experiences, which may influence their negative or stereotypical perception of other Blacks (Cross & Vandiver, 2001). The same premise applies to age, gender, and community setting. Preliminary evidence has shown that the CRIS is an appropriate measure to use with individuals of all ages but that adolescents may be more likely to report Pre-Encounter attitudes than young adults or adults (Worrell, 2008). Adolescence is a time of identity formation (Erikson, 1968; Marcia, 1980); as such, teens may be more likely to endorse Pre-Encounter attitudes, as (a) racial identity has yet to develop importance in their lives (low or neutral race salience; Cross & Vandiver, 2001), or (b) they have linked the crisis of adolescence (Erikson, 1968; Marcia, 1980) with their racial identity (negative race salience; Cross & Vandiver, 2001). In regard to gender, such differences may be due to the social nature of men versus women. Both genders may embrace their Blackness; however, social affiliations may lead men to be more likely to adopt a pro-black identity

31 20 (Afrocentric), while women may be more likely to embrace multiple social affiliations (Multiculturalist; Clark, 2004; Gay & Tate, 1998). Similarly, the finding that Black racial identity differed by community type coincides with the notion that suburban communities are predominantly White (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). Thus, some African Americans may identify more with pro-american attitudes due to their community upbringing (Fhagen-Smith et al., 2010), or they may endorse the negative stereotypes about Blacks as a collective due to the racism commonly experienced in suburban communities (Feagin & Sikes, 1994). The conclusions made are tempered by the limitations of the studies. Sample size and the number of regression models run, increasing the probability of familywise error, were the primary concerns in the Anglin and Whaley (2006) study. Additionally, Anglin and Whaley did not interpret their effect sizes, and in the Fhagen-Smith et al. (2010) study, effect sizes were less than 10%. Sample sizes were not balanced in Worrell s (2008) study, and like Fhagen-Smith et al., Worrell did not follow-up the statistically significant MANOVA with descriptive discriminant analysis (DDA), thus reducing the multidimensionality of Black racial identity. Enculturation. Two studies have explored the relation between the CRIS and enculturation (Chavez-Korell & Vandiver, 2011; Cokley & Helm, 2007). Cokley and Helm (2007) examined the predictive validity of CRIS scores on enculturation, measured by the African American Acculturation Scale-33 total score (AAAS-33; Landrine & Klonoff, 1995). Participants were 344 African American college students and 47 professionals (74% female). Using hierarchical MR, racial composition of the university, type of community, and importance of religion were entered in Step 1 (R 2 =.16). Five of the six CRIS scores (not Multiculturalist) entered together in Step 2 were statistically significant ( R 2 =.26). Miseducation, Anti-White, and Afrocentric were positively related to enculturation, whereas Assimilation and Self-Hatred