Shahira Fahmy and Sara J. Roedl

Transcription

1 Using a multi-method approach, the researchers examined the visual content of the Virginia Tech shootings in U.S. newspapers during the 3 days following the event and conducted interviews with a few members of the victims families examining their perceptions of the photographic coverage. This exploratory study analyzed 2079 photographs in terms of the crime and suspect frame and the tension management frame. It also examined the use of the graphic device in the visual coverage. Then, inspired by the photo elicitation technique, perceptions of media coverage held by three families of the victims were examined and suggestions for improving the visual coverage of similar events in the future were recorded. Thus, the outcome of the difficult ethical decisions newspaper editors must make while covering traumatic events and the perceptions of those directly affected by the events were explored. Results of this study represent a step toward offering resources for thinking about the visual coverage of tragic events in more responsible ways. Shahira Fahmy and Sara J. Roedl Pages Visual Communication Quarterly

2 On April 16, 2007, Cho Seung-Hui killed 33 people on the campus of Virginia Tech (VT). Seventeen others were injured and an entire campus was victimized. This event is considered the deadliest shooting rampage in American history (Hauser & O Connor, 2007). The VT Massacre unfolded in a variety of media, including newspapers. As coverage intensified, grieving families and some members of the campus became increasingly less willing to communicate with journalists (see Keller, 2007). 1 While examining visual coverage of violent events, mass communication scholars consider the context of news, self-censorship, personal ethics, privacy, issues of taste and victims families expectations as active ingredients in the visual selection process (see Bissell, 2000; Fahmy, 2005b; Kobré, 1999; Kratzer & Kratzer, 2003; Shoemaker & Reese, 1996; Swain, 2003). Once images of violence and tragedy are captured, newspaper editors face the ethical challenge of deciding whether to publish them. In the case of the deadliest shooting rampage in U.S. history, for example, the need for being socially responsible represented an ethical dilemma for most editors. They had to decide whether pictures of the tragedy violated standards of taste and if there was a compelling reason to publish those visuals. More research is needed on the interplay between photographic content and reactions to visual coverage, specifically those involving graphic depictions. Visuals published on the front pages of U.S. newspapers are particularly interesting. Due to their placement, these visuals are seen by more people and are attended to more carefully. In addition, in traditional media, journalists completely control content and placement, which Figure 1 (previous page). Virginia Tech students, staff, friends, and families gather on campus to remember the victims of the deadly shooting rampage. Original in color. Courtesy of Scott Olson/AFP-Getty Images. Visual Communication Quarterly 92 Volume 17 April June 2010

3 ensures that the most compelling images are placed in the most prominent location of the newspaper. In the case of the VT massacre, journalists published images from a variety of sources (i.e., NBC). Press coverage was extensive and sustained, with newspapers continuing to devote several pages to the shooting and its aftermath days after the event. No past research has used the visual framing approach to examine visual coverage of a traumatic event, while simultaneously encouraging discourse with grieving families about newspaper images of violence and tragedy. This study attempts to look at the ethical implications of newspapers visual framing of the VT tragedy. It contributes to the body of knowledge by combining two distinct methodologies that have not been successfully combined in previous research. Rather than examining both media content and perceptions of those most closely touched by the coverage, past studies have focused mainly on media content or perceptions of readers in general. The results of this exploratory study allow academics and professionals to advocate accountability and to offer resources for covering tragic events in more responsible ways. Using a multi-method approach, the researchers content analyzed visuals of the massacre in U.S. newspapers during the 3 days following the shootings and conducted interviews with three families of the VT victims to examine their perceptions of the visual coverage. This study examined the visual framing of the event in terms of the crime and suspect frame and the tension management frame. It further analyzed the use of the graphic device in the visual coverage. Then, inspired by the photo elicitation technique, perceptions of media coverage held by Figure 2 (facing pages). Injured occupants are carried out of Norris Hall at Virginia Tech. Original in color. Courtesy of Alan Kim/Roanoke Times. Pages Visual Communication Quarterly

4 members of the victims families were examined. Their suggestions for improving the visual coverage of similar future events were recorded. In this manner, the outcome of the difficult ethical decisions newspaper editors must make, while covering traumatic events and the perceptions of those directly affected by the events, were explored. In sum, the ways in which the photos were framed in newspapers, combined with the input of grieving families, represents a step toward suggesting a means for thinking about visual coverage of tragedies more responsibly in the future. The Visual Framing Approach Scholars agree that the public s perception of news events is shaped primarily by the way in which news practitioners choose to construct and reinforce media content. For example, Entman (1993) explains that while highlighting some aspects of a story the media de-emphasizes coverage of other features. Due to the interdisciplinary nature of the communication field, the theoretical diversity from a variety of fields has helped researchers develop a clear understanding of the framing process. However, this diversity has also led to a lack of a shared theoretical model of framing. That lack is clearly demonstrated by the inconsistencies found in many framing studies (see Reese, 2007; Scheufele, 1999). According to Reese (2007), these inconsistencies have led numerous scholars to utilize framing as a research program and not a unified method. A review of the literature indicates that most scholars in general have a vague concept of framing. To combat this paucity, Reese (2001) formulated the following definition, frames are organizing principles that are socially shared and persistent over time, that work symbolically to meaningfully structure the social world, (p. 11). This definition of frames captures the dynamic process of negotiating meaning which is central to the framing process. Visual framing, which is based upon, but distinct from, textual framing, occurs in all forms of news. Messaris and Abraham (2001) explain, The special qualities of visuals their iconicity, their indexicality, and especially their syntactic implicitness makes them very effective tools for framing and articulating ideological messages, (p. 220). In other words, they suggest that visual and textual framing are distinct yet equally important parts of the newsmaking process. Interestingly, however, framing studies have typically focused on textual content rather than visuals. This focus on text ignored the strong visual s power to instantly connect with the audience and create a strong and lasting impression. Recognizing the importance of visuals, a few scholars have examined the visual framing of traumatic events, suggesting that image choices dramatically influence how the audience perceives news events (i.e. Fahmy, 2005a, 2007a, 2007b; Moriarty & Shaw, 1995). For example, in their visual analysis of the presentation of the Iraq War, Moriarty and Shaw (1995) found that the constant use of images of war technology framed the war as a mini-drama, contextualizing the war as a science-fiction battle rather than a flesh-and-bones battle in which lives were lost daily. Overall, studies have consistently shown that competing media outlets portray events differently using different images, as photographs are used time and again to present specific views to the audience. This is particularly true during times of crisis. During times of upheaval, the audience receives most of its information from the media (Graber, 1997; Li & Izard, 2003). Media interpretations are thus made more salient by the sense of urgency and the confusion surrounding the events (Kahle, Yu, & Whiteside, 2007). Another reason for the extreme saliency of media frames in times of strife is the increased amount of coverage. Domestic disasters and events with high death tolls are likely to receive a high amount of coverage (see Fahmy, Kelly, & Kim, 2007; Singer, Endreny, & Glassman, 1991). Stories of natural or human-made disasters (such as the TWA plane crash in 1996 and the Columbine High School shooting in 1999), for example, fascinate the audience and are the most well-read type of story (see Tai & Chang, 2002). Consequently, the increased coverage and resulting increased exposure to editorial influence make the current analysis of the visual frames of the deadliest shooting rampage in U.S. history even more important. While covering the VT Massacre, newspapers were most likely to devote much space to the shootings, publishing page-dominating, front-page photographs that included visuals of the traumatic event. Photographing Tragedy: Are There Clear-Cut Ethical Guidelines? The Committee of Concerned Journalists and the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press (1999) suggested that news professionals exhibit serious concerns regarding ethical guidelines. For example, journalists in general tend to Visual Communication Quarterly 94 Volume 17 April June 2010

5 avoid showing violent or emotionally disturbing content. However, at times of tragedy (i.e., 9/11), many editors have chosen to publish controversial photos when, in their opinion, the need or purpose of publishing such visuals warranted coverage. A review of the literature indicates a variety of factors are involved in covering disasters, suggesting that the implementation of ethical standards varies widely. According to Hulteng, this variation arises from the lack of clear-cut and uncomplicated choices surrounding coverage of crises (1985). Past studies illustrate the subjective application of gatekeeping standards. Kratzer and Kratzer (2003), for example, used a qualitative methodology to examine the decisionmaking process involved in publishing graphic images of 9/11. Their results indicated no single over-arching rule exists to guide editors when choosing which photographs to publish. Similarly, in a content analysis of 57 newspapers coverage of African National Congress sympathizers killing an accused Zulu spy, O Brien (1993) found no single rule governing the gatekeeping decision to publish or suppress graphic photographs. Bissell s (2000) work also suggests that editors have different standards governing the use of graphic images. These standards were mainly based on political orientation and personal opinions about explicitness. In addition, some editors claim to be effected by the proximity and the global nature of a particular disaster. For instance, Kratzer and Kratzer (2003) found that although editors preferred to avoid publishing disturbing 9/11 images, the immensity of the attack compelled them to publish images of people jumping from the Twin Towers. Indeed, controversial images have been published in the media generating criticism by a variety of scholars (i.e., Wischmann, 1987; Gordon, 1986). Due to the different standards used by various news professionals in covering trauma, perhaps creating a more precise formula to guide the implementation of ethical guidelines regarding visual coverage of tragedy in more accountable ways would eliminate the controversy. Potential Categories for Covering the VT Massacre Putnam and Homer (1992) identified three main orientations of framing research: the cognitive heuristic approach, the frame categories approach, and the issue development orientation. The frame categories approach allows researchers to examine the types of frames used and the relationship of the types of frames to the outcome of the news event. The literature suggests that past studies which examined the coverage of school shootings have used purely textual rather than visual media. These studies indicated the presence of the crime and suspect frame and the tension management frame (i.e., McCluskey, 2000). The visual coverage of the VT shooting event is likely to conform to these two frames. Due to the dramatic nature of the tragedy, the visual coverage of the event is also likely to include the use of graphic visuals (see Kratzer & Kratzer, 2003; Fahmy, 2007b). The crime and suspect frame is characterized by an emphasis on suspects, with a secondary emphasis placed on victims. The crime and suspect frame mainly focuses on the deviant individual, probing his personal life, interests, friends, and family (McCluskey, 2000). It has an expository purpose it seeks to explain why the individual resorted to crime. This frame may also be used to humanize the victims. Coverage may focus on positive aspects of the victims personality, actions, or community involvement. While the emphasis on both the suspect and the victims in a single frame might seem dissonant, combining them based on previous research helps establish reliability and does not prohibit the researchers from analyzing them distinctly in the findings. One would expect, for example, U.S. newspapers to have used this frame by visually focusing on the VT shooter and the weapon used in the attack, and at the same time to have published images showing community involvement, such as images of family and friends reacting to the massacre. The visuals may have also focused on the victims of the shooting, showing them in humanized depictions. The second frame, tension management, is concerned with providing the most information possible to the audience by covering news as it unfolds. The goal is to assuage their fears. This frame provides more than a bare bones description of events by focusing on details. It provides specific information that is intended to help the community completely understand the issue s potential scope and impact. This frame, also known as the explanatory frame, has been shown to mobilize and unify citizens. U.S. dailies may, thus, use this frame by focusing on ways for the community to cope with the tragedy (Friedland & Nichols, 2002). For example, one would expect newspapers to have published images Pages Visual Communication Quarterly

6 showing university and public officials reacting to the massacre, rescue workers helping students, and students engaging with fellow community members at memorials. This would increase the sense of solidarity by enforcing community stability and perseverance. The third element analyzed in this study is the use of the graphic device in picturing the tragedy. This device is most salient when dealing with visuals of trauma. It portrays the event using disturbing images and often includes or implies violence, death, weapons, blood, or harm to a member of a community. Graphic portrayal is the result of the delicate balance between appropriateness and newsworthiness (Kratzer & Kratzer, 2003). Past research has shown that compelling visuals help readers recall an event and reduce their perceived distance of that event, allowing audience members to relate to the event (i.e., Fahmy & Johnson, 2007; Pfau, et al. 2006; Potter & Smith, 2000; Zelizer, 2004). As photographer Sebastiao Salgado explained, I believe that there is no person in the world that must be protected from pictures. Everything that happens in the world must be shown, (see Light, 2000, p. 111). To better understand the 9/11 tragedy, for example, many newspapers published graphic photos of people trapped in or jumping from the Twin Towers. Editors justified that these visuals would help readers fully comprehend the horror of the attack (Kratzer & Kratzer, 2003). Similarly, in this instance, one would expect U.S. newspapers to have published images of the wounded, going against the traditional and ethical guidelines at most newspapers, to communicate the extent of the VT tragedy caused by the deadly rampage. The Visual Gatekeeping Process The visual gatekeeping process consists of the selection of a few images from hundreds of potential storytelling photographs to be transmitted through the mass media (i.e., Fahmy et al., 2007; Fahmy 2005a). As previously stated, past studies found that editors make decisions about what aspects of the visual news to highlight based on a complex balance of ethical, political, and economic considerations (i.e., Bissell, 2000; Fahmy, 2005b; Knightley, 2002). Prominence/importance, timeliness, impact, proximity, conflict/controversy, human interest, and novelty are among the many factors influencing the gatekeeping process (Brooks & The Missouri Group, 1999; Fahmy et al., 2007; Shoemaker & Reese, 1996). Proximity suggests that editors have some tendency to select stories that are geographically relevant to their local readers. In the case here, while this local story was of national importance, it is plausible to expect newspapers in the South to publish photos differing from those in other newspapers in the West, the Northeast, and the Midwest. Due to the victims proximity to the community, editors in Southern states may have felt the need to present visuals in a way that did not invade the victims privacy by avoiding images with disturbing and graphic content. These editors may have chosen to emphasize images of solidarity and compassion, allowing their papers to function as a means for the local community to recover from the traumatic event. Journalistic Judgments & Reactions to News Coverage A review of the literature indicates news is presented based on a combination of the editor s judgment about what type of coverage best satisfies the audience s needs and the information available (Fahmy, 2005b). Overall, the literature suggests that audience interests and perceptions are the main underlying factor influencing the news selection process (Kratzer & Kratzer, 2003; Tai & Chang, 2002). 2 However, while past studies suggest that the news product is the end result of journalistic judgment by editors who try to cater to their audiences, studies have also shown a general discrepancy between audience interest and news content. Researchers discovered that most editors have little perception of their readers interest and might judge news stories differently than their target audience (Atwood, 1970; Burgoon, Burgoon, & Atkin, 1982; Gans, 1979; Gieber, 1956). Interestingly, most of these comparative studies focused on perceptions of readers in general rather than specifically targeting perceptions of those audience members most closely touched by the news story in our case, by encouraging discourse with VT grieving families regarding the visual news coverage. This lack of information represents a grievous hole in the body of knowledge because media coverage of this massacre was ubiquitous and the families of the victims were directly impacted by it. Due to the proximity of the issue, it is expected that these families paid an above-average amount of attention to the media. A review of the literature, however, reveals researchers rarely examined how such audiences perceive news coverage in general and Visual Communication Quarterly 96 Volume 17 April June 2010

7 photographic coverage in particular. This information, which has seldom been made available to the public and the news industry, would allow us to advocate accountability, and to offer resources for improving ethical guidelines needed in covering future tragedies. Visual Dominance The literature on photographic dominance suggests that editors select the most important images of the day to get published on the front page. Past studies indicate that these dominant pictures are expected to have a strong impact on readers (Pasternack & Utt, 1995; Kobre, 1999). For example, Wanta (1988) found that lead newspaper photos draw readers to accompanying stories. Size is also a primary indicator of visual importance (Huh, 1993). Research shows the larger the photograph the more dominant the more attention readers attach to it, with large photos on the front page attracting the most attention (Woodburn, 1947; Huh, 1993). This study specifically analyzes and compares the visual coverage of the VT on newspaper front pages with victims families perceptions of the coverage. Hypothesis & Research Questions Based on past research, the following hypothesis and research questions regarding visual coverage and victims families perceptions are examined: RQ1: In front page photos of the VT shootings, which visual frame 1) the crime and suspect frame or 2) the tension management frame was most dominant? RQ2: Did the visual coverage differ between the dominant and nondominant front page photos? RQ3: Did the visual coverage of front page photos change during the 3 days of coverage? H: The visual coverage of front page photographs in Southern newspapers was significantly less likely to show graphic depictions than those employed in front-page photographs in newspapers in the West, the Northeast, and the Midwest. RQ4: How do victims families perceive the coverage of front page photos of the VT shootings? RQ5: What changes do victims families suggest to improve coverage of similar events? Methods Rather than strictly relying on one method, one intriguing aspect of this study is the use of a multi-method approach to explore the correspondence between the visual coverage (content analysis) and the perceptions of those most closely touched by the tragedy (interviews). Content Analysis To examine the visual coverage of the VT shootings, the researchers analyzed photographs that appear on newspaper front pages. The dataset consisted of photographs published on 928 front pages of English-language U.S. newspapers from April 17, 2007 (the day after the shooting took place) to April 19, The pages were collected from the Newseum website The website provides Portable Document Files of more than 400 U.S. and international newspaper front pages on a daily basis. A total of 2079 photographs were analyzed. The front pages of newspapers available on the Newseum were chosen because the website provides daily access to national and international papers and an archive of front pages from the day/s surrounding important historical events. The current archive includes memorable days from the not-so-distant past, such as the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the Columbia Shuttle explosion, Hurricane Katrina, and the VT shooting. 3 Although newspapers across the globe submit their front pages daily, the number of papers available varies daily. During the 3 days studied, about 300 U.S. newspaper front pages were available each day. The unit of analysis was each individual photograph. All photographs were measured in terms of the crime and suspect frame (the presence of weapon, killer/suspect, victim/s, family and community members, nonvictim students, mourning and emotional suffering); the tension management frame (the presence of military/police, university/public officials, rescue workers, solidarity, and memorials); and the use of the graphic device (the presence of images showing physical injury and graphic portrayal, such as close-ups of wounds and blood). For reliability purposes, these categories were based on those used by McCluskey (2000) and Fahmy (2007b). Pages Visual Communication Quarterly

8 Each photograph was coded present or not present for the depiction of weapon, killer, victim/s, family and community members, nonvictim students, mourning and emotional suffering, military/police, university/public officials, rescue workers, solidarity, memorials, and graphic injury and portrayal. Therefore, each photo could have been coded present for more than one variable. Other variables measured included: dominance, time frame, and region. Each individual photo was coded dominant or nondominant depending on its size relative to other images on the front page. The time frame was coded according to the day of coverage. These codes therefore ranged from Day 1 to Day 3. The region categories were based on the U.S. Census Bureau (2008) and consisted of: the South, the West, the Northeast, and the Midwest, as well as newspapers in Virginia versus those not in Virginia. Using a sample of 93 front pages (10% of total) intercoder reliability was 98% using Holsti s formula (1969). Reliability estimates were calculated using Scott s pi as follows: weapon 100%; killer 100%; victim/s 100%; family and community members 99%, nonvictim students 98%, mourning and emotional suffering 96%; military/police 100%; university/public officials 100%; rescue workers 96%; solidarity 98%; memorials 98%; and graphic injury 94%; graphic portrayal 94%; and dominance 99%. Chi-squares were calculated on the measured variables to examine the visual coverage of the VT Massacre in terms of the crime and suspect frame, the tension management frame and the use of the graphic device. The tests also Table 1. Frequency and Percentages of VT Massacre Photographs from Front Pages of U.S. Newspapers (N 2079). SELECTION VARIABLES (1 present; 0 not present) DOMINANT NOT-DOMINANT TOTAL CHI-SQUARE (N 660) (N 1419) THE CRIME & SUSPECT FRAME Suspect s weapon 91 (36.1%) 161 (63.9%) 252 (100%) 6.90 * Suspect/killer 120 (21.7%) 432 (78.3%) 552 (100%) *** Victim/s 225 (31.4%) 492 (68.6%) 18 (100%).54 Family/community members 33 (25.4%) 97 (74.6%) 130 (100%) 2.59 Students 285 (45.2%) 346 (54.8%) 631 (100%) *** Emotional suffering 496 (58.4%) 354 (41.6%) 850 (100%) *** Mourning 299 (47.4%) 332 (52.6%) 631 (100%) *** Total 3764 THE TENSION MANAGEMENT FRAME Military/police 213 (68.3%) 99 (31.7%) 312 (100%) *** Public & university officials 16 (20.5%) 62 (79.5%) 78 (100%) 4.72 * Rescue workers 199 (81.6%) 45 (18.4%) 244 (100%) *** Solidarity 280 (49.0%) 291 (51.0%) 571 (100%) *** Memorials 249 (55.1%) 203 (44.9%) 452 (100%) *** Total 1657 GRAPHIC DEPICTION Physical injury 198 (82.2%) 43 (17.8%) 241 (100%) *** Graphic visual 34 (70.8%) 14 (29.2%) 48 (100%) *** Total 289 *p. 05, *** p. 001 Visual Communication Quarterly 98 Volume 17 April June 2010

9 examined visual coverage in terms of the dominance, time frame, and region. Interviews Inspired by photo-elicitation studies, the researchers interviewed VT family members by phone to examine their perceptions and reactions to the visual coverage. Photo-elicitation, first coined by John Collier in 1957, is based on the simple idea of using photographs in research interviews to learn what subjects think of images related to them. To assess how members of the victims families perceive the visual coverage, the researchers interviewed three families in late fall of Family members interviewed had lost a daughter or a son in the attack. Indeed, securing permission for each interview was extremely difficult. 4 Each interview was emotionally draining for the interviewer and interviewee. The interviews questioned family members about how the shooter and victims were visually portrayed in newspaper front pages, if they believed these photos should or should not have been published, and asked them to propose any guidelines that might improve and govern the use of such images. The researchers further questioned whether the coverage enabled the viewer to take an ethical stance in relation to the suffering of others, and how they thought the photos shaped the discussion of what a more ethical way of looking at victims might be. Questions also addressed potential areas for improvement and solicited suggestions for coverage of similar events in the future. Findings The frequency and percentages of 2079 frontpage photographs are displayed in Table 1. Each photograph was coded for at least one variable; however, some photographs were coded for more than one. For example, the photo of Cho with weapons was coded for the presence of weapon, Table 2. Frequency and Percentages of VT Massacre Photographs from Front Pages of U.S. Newspapers Over a 3-Day Period (N 2079) SELECTION VARIABLES (1 present; 0 not present) DAY 1 DAY 2 DAY 3 (N 564) (N 993) (N 522) TOTAL CHI-SQUARE THE CRIME & SUSPECT FRAME Suspect s weapon 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 252 (100%) 252 (100%) *** Suspect/killer 0 (0%) 241 (43.7%) 311 (56.3%) 552 (100%) *** Victim/s 245 (34.2%) 345 (48.1%) 127 (17.7%) 718 (100%) *** Family/ Community members 56 (43.1%) 55 (42.3%) 19 (14.6%) 130 (100%) *** Students 224 (35.5%) 338 (53.6%) 69 (10.9%) 631 (100% *** Emotional suffering 422 (49.6%) 348 (40.9%) 80 (9.4%) 850 (100%) *** Mourning 188 (29.8%) 365 (57.8%) 78 (12.4%) 631 (100%) *** THE TENSION MANAGEMENT FRAME Military/police 305(97.8%) 5 (1.6%) 2 (.6%) 312 (100%) *** Public & university Officials 17 (21.8%) 59 (75.6%) 2 (2.6%) 78 (100%) *** Rescue workers 242 (99.2%) 2 (.8%) 0 (0%) 244 (100%) *** Solidarity 181 (31.7%) 329 (57.6%) 61 (10.7%) 571 (100%) *** Memorials 24 (5.3%) 361 (79.9%) 67 (14.8%) 452 (100%) *** GRAPHIC DEPICTION Physical injury 238 (98.8%) 2 (.8%) 1 (.4%) 241 (100%) *** Graphic visual 43 (89.6%) 4 (8.3%) 1 (2.1%) 48 (100%) *** ***p. 001 Pages Visual Communication Quarterly

10 Table 3. Frequency and Percentages of VT Massacre Photographs from Front Pages of U.S. Newspapers Based on Geographic Location (N 2079). SELECTION VARIABLES (1 present; 0 not present) South West Northeast Midwest (N 842) (N 543) (N 339) (N 355) TOTAL CHI-SQUARE THE CRIME & SUSPECT FRAME Suspect s weapon 106(42.1%) 65(25.8%) 43(17.1%) 38(15.1%) 252(100%) Suspect/killer 224(40.6%) 151(27.4%) 97(17.6%) 80(14.5%) 552(100%) 4.12 Victim/s 276(38.5%) 218(30.4%) 111(15.5%) 112 (15.6%) 718(100%) * Family/community members 47(36.2%) 24(18.5%) 25(19.2%) 34(26.2%) 130(100%) * Students 251(39.8%) 134(21.2%) 109(17.3%) 137(21.7%) 631(100%) *** Emotional suffering 352(41.4%) 192(22.6%) 153(18.0%) 153(18.0%) 850(100%) * Mourning 259(41.0%) 150(23.8%) 108(17.1%) 114(18.1%) 631(100%) 2.86 THE TENSION MANAGEMENT FRAME Military/police 146(46.8%) 63(20.2%) 55(17.6%) 63(20.2%) 312 (100%) 9.54 * Public & university officials 36(46.2%) 23(29.5%) 7(9.0%) 12(15.4%) 78(100%) 3.79 Rescue workers 108(44.3%) 49(20.1%) 49(20.1%) 38(15.6%) 244(100%) 7.61 * Solidarity 233(40.8%) 136(23.8%) 93(16.3%) 109(19.1%) 571(100%) 3.48 Memorials 174(38.5%) 115(25.4%) 84(18.6%) 79(17.5%) 452(100%) 2.57 GRAPHIC DEPICTION Physical injury 105(43.6%) 50 (20.7%) 48(19.9%) 38(15.8%) 241(100%) 6.10 Graphic portrayal 25(52.1%) 10(20.8%) 8(16.7%) 5(10.4%) 48(100%) 4.92 *p. 05, *** p. 001 the presence of killer/suspect, and graphic portrayal (see gutter image on previous page). Overall, a total of 5710 variables were identified. As shown, the newspapers published the largest percentage of their photos depicting the crime and suspect frame (66%). A large number of these frames showed emotional suffering (850), victims (718), students (631), mourning (631), and visuals of Cho (552). The tension management frame came in second with 29%. The largest percentage of this frame focused most on solidarity (571) and memorials (452). Interestingly, the papers published the smallest percentage of their photos depicting graphic visuals (5%). Graphic depictions, which included physical injury (241) and graphic portrayal (48), was the least identified in the coverage of the massacre overall. Research question two examined whether the coverage differed between the dominant and nondominant front page photographs. Again Table 1 shows chi square tests revealing significant differences on all variables examined except two. No significant differences (p.05) were present in two of the variables in the crime and suspect frame: the portrayal of victim/s and family/community members. In other words, the dominant and nondominant front page photographs, by and large, visually covered the event quite differently. Analyses indicated there were relatively more dominant than nondominant images for the following: the crime and suspect frame (the presence of weapon, students, mourning, and emotional suffering); the tension management frame (the presence of military/police, rescue workers, solidarity, and memorials); and graphic depictions (physical injury and graphic portrayal). As for the nondominant images they were relatively more frequent than the dominant images, in terms of showing images of Cho (6.90, p.05), and images of public and university officials (4.72, p.05). Research question three examined the pattern of photographic coverage during the 3 days of Visual Communication Quarterly 100 Volume 17 April June 2010

11 coverage. Findings suggest that the visual coverage changed as the event progressed to the third day. Overall, the most notable trend was the transition on the first 2 days of coverage from photographs focusing on the victims and their injuries, students and families, rescue workers, police and university/public officials, emotional suffering, and mourning to photographs focusing more on the killer and his weapons by the third day (see gutter image on pp ). Obviously, it was difficult for photographers to access images of the shooter and the weapons used in the attack immediately after the shooting. Once they had access to these photos, however, the crime and suspect frame, characterized by an emphasis on the suspect, could be satisfied. As shown in Table 2, on the first day, the coverage characterized by the tension management frame, focused most on images of police and rescue workers helping students. Obviously, use of these visuals decreased dramatically by the third day. On the second day, the coverage emphasized solidarity and memorials, such as images of students engaging with fellow community members in memorializing the victims of the attack, thus increasing the sense of solidarity and enforcing community stability and perseverance (see Figure 1). Graphic depictions although least present was most salient on the first day. By the second and third day, however, images showing physical injury and graphic portrayals were least likely to get published in front page photos of newspapers. The number of images showing physical injury decreased from 238 on the first day of the coverage to only two on the second day and one on the third day. Our hypothesis that predicted the visual coverage of front page photographs in Southern newspapers would be significantly less likely to show graphic depictions than those employed in front page photographs in newspapers in the West, the Northeast, and the Midwest was not supported (4.92, p.05). However, when newspapers in Virginia were compared against other regional and national newspapers, Virginia papers showed significantly more graphic photos than other newspapers in the country (12.03, p.01) (data not shown). Editors in Virginia might have felt that publishing close-up photographs of the wounded was helpful in communicating the extent of the tragedy to its readers. Furthermore, when we explored differences in coverage overall, as shown in Table 3, There were four significant differences present in the crime and suspect frame (victims, family and community members, and students and emotional suffering). Southern newspapers focused more than other newspapers on images showing emotional suffering (40%). In other words, Southern editors chose to emphasize images of suffering and compassion, thus allowing these papers to function as a means for the local Southern communities to recover from the traumatic event. Significant differences were also noted in the tension management frame (military/police and rescue workers). Research question four asked how victims families perceived the visual coverage of front page photographs of the VT Massacre. The three families interviewed explained that although some of the visuals accurately depicted the VT tragedy, some of the initial images were extremely inappropriate. For example, they explained that many individuals who had loved ones harmed seemingly saw them injured on the front pages before being informed that their loved ones were involved. This premature release of photos was potentially harmful to these families. It was devastating because the families were observing pictures of loved ones before receiving any official notification of death or injury. For example, one parent explained: Family and loved ones didn t get notification until much later and it was heart wrenching to see what was covered in the media before you knew if that was your kid. I wish I hadn t seen the photo of a student being carried out of the incident location. Another family member explained that many of the family members were exploited by this premature release: Picture yourself as a family member seeing bodies carried away before you know whether your child is safe or dead; this was a hard way to find out a loved one has been injured or killed. Further, the parents felt the media did not focus enough on the lives of the promising young people and professors who were killed. They explained that while some reporters were quite empathetic, few made that effort. For the most part, the families became distrustful. One of them explained, I wanted to use the media to tell Pages Visual Communication Quarterly

12 what a wonderful person my daughter was and they [the media] wanted to write a front page story. Family members complained there were more photos of the shooter, pulling focus from the victims of the attack. One parent explained: The family needed to be able to speak their heart, thoughts, emotions, but the media denied them that and instead focused on Cho. It [visual coverage of Cho] overshadowed coverage of victims and families and really there should have been no coverage of Cho because the event was preventable. Family members continually stressed that there were too many pictures expressing violence by focusing visual attention on the shooter. One family member said, The violence continues but the media aren t presenting solutions as much as they are presenting graphic and sensational visuals. In their view, it wasn t necessary, for example, to cover the shooter so extensively as shown in the gutter image on pp One family member explained, The victims didn t get half that attention. In this case the media were not sensitive to what the victims where going through. Overall, our interviews suggest these families believe that less visuals of the shooter, more humanized coverage of the victims, and additional sensitivity in the initial coverage of sons and daughters injured and killed in the attack, would have vindicated the families to a certain extent. Research question five asked what changes could the victims families suggest for improving coverage of similar events in the future. Results showed the need to cover the full story. For example, some family members expressed disappointment because the media did not cover all the angles of the news event. For example, one parent expressed: It would be healing for me to see some very honest things written in the media. My daughter was killed on Monday, but we were not able to leave with her body until Thursday one day later they held a memorial. I hadn t even taken my daughter s body home yet and they were having a memorial? How could we heal? We hadn t even had time to mourn. The reporters didn t cover that. Moreover, the families felt the extensive visual coverage of the shooter encouraged copycat incidents such as the subsequent shooting in Northern Illinois University. One family member explained, The media are just responding to horrific events and possibly, in a way, encouraging copycat incidents. Cho at Virginia Tech had a propensity toward violence that was encouraged by coverage of the Columbine killers. Overall, our results suggest victims families needed to see less coverage of violence, extensive coverage investigating all angles of the tragedy, and more coverage of solutions to prevent such events from happening in the future. Examples of solutions and positive stories the press could stress included: more coverage teaching how to prevent acts of violence and more positive community-building experience that the media can help cultivate. Discussion Using a multi-method approach, the researchers explored the correspondence between the visual coverage that appeared in newspaper front pages (content analysis) and the perceptions of those most closely touched by the VT tragedy (interviews). The 2079 photos analyzed were examined in terms of the crime and suspect frame and the tension management frame. This study further explored the use of the graphic device in the visual coverage. Then, inspired by the photo elicitation technique, the researchers conducted interviews with three families of the victims regarding the visual coverage, bringing forth a wealth of information from their perspective. This study accomplished several purposes. First, it analyzed the outcome of the difficult ethical decisions newspaper editors make while covering traumatic events. Second, it explored perceptions of few families most closely touched by the VT tragedy, contributing a small step toward offering resources for thinking about media coverage of traumatic events in more delicate and conscientious ways. Finally, this exploratory multimethod approach, allowed us to further our understanding of the visual coverage and to address potential areas for improvement by soliciting suggestions for improving coverage of similar events in the future. Results of our visual content analysis revealed the newspapers published the largest percentage of their photos depicting the crime and suspect Visual Communication Quarterly 102 Volume 17 April June 2010

13 frame and the use of graphic depictions was least identified in the overall coverage. Past literature explains the crime and suspect frame, seeks to explain why the individual resorted to crime and might also be used to humanize the victims (McCluskey, 2000). In this particular case, U.S. newspapers used this frame by visually focusing on the shooter and the weapon used in the attack, and publishing images showing the victims and community involvement, such as images of family and friends reacting to the massacre. The visuals also focused on emotional suffering and mourning. As expected the use of the graphic device was least identified in the visual coverage. While this device is most salient when dealing with visuals of dramatic events, a graphic depiction is the result of the delicate balance between appropriateness and newsworthiness (Kratzer & Kratzer, 2003). In general, graphic pictures are ethically controversial as they portray an event using disturbing images which often includes or implies violence, death, weapons, blood, or harm to a member of a community. That said, however, the families interviewed perceived there were too many sensational pictures expressing violence, such as images of Cho and his weapons. This could be attributed to our finding that suggests newspapers in Virginia significantly published more graphic depictions than other newspapers around the country, overall (12.03, p.01). Due to the victims proximity to the community, Southern editors might have chosen to emphasize such visuals to communicate the extent of the tragedy caused by the deadly rampage. In their view, this would have helped readers to fully understand the horror of the attack, and thus, enabling the audience to take an ethical stance in relation to the suffering of others and get involved in ways for the community to cope with the tragedy. Thus, it was no surprise that families of the victims interviewed expressed concern over the ethical decisions to publish such photos. They explained that although some of the visuals accurately depicted the tragedy, the initial images showing the wounded victims were extremely inappropriate. Our content analysis further corresponds to their perceptions, to a certain extent. When we explored how the visual coverage shifted over the 3-day period, results indicated that in the immediate reporting 1 day after the event the frames focused most on the tension management frame, by publishing images of police and rescue workers helping the victims (i.e., Figure 2). Further, the few graphic visuals identified, were mostly present on that first day. By the second and third day(s), they were least likely to get published in front page photos of newspapers. Indeed, by the second day, for example, the coverage emphasized solidarity, community stability, and perseverance, such as images of students engaging with fellow community members in memorializing the victims. By the third day, images of Cho became more prevalent. Overall, family members interviewed were not generally satisfied by the media s response to the event. They condemned visual coverage that tended to focus on dramatic, tragic, and violent images rather than celebrating and commemorating the lives of those who died. In addition, they explained media coverage did little to show context or to explain events. Moreover, they felt they were not treated with the empathy, respect, and dignity they deserved. One of them explained, Showing an iconic image in a situation like that to show emotion of people going through trauma is one thing, but to show bodies and faces before families have time to be notified is inappropriate. Moreover, family members felt as though reporters were more concerned with garnering front page content and following trends in story coverage than telling the victims stories. As one of them explained: Rather than allowing family members to speak their heart, feelings, and own words, reporters tried to steer us in the direction they wanted and missed the point of what the family members were trying to say. Most notably, victims families indicated frustration with the excessive coverage Cho received, as also demonstrated by the results of our content analysis. This frustration may have grown from the disproportionate amount of coverage the shooter received. As mentioned earlier, while graphic depictions were minimal and were least identified on the front pages of newspapers, members of the victims families indicated these repetitive images of Cho in menacing poses, transformed his photographs from iconic to inappropriate, transforming him into a celebrity. These images were particularly troubling to them. Pages Visual Communication Quarterly

14 A review of the literature, however, suggests a moral basis represents a dominant justification for such a controversial media practice, especially when the line becomes blurred during visual coverage of tragic events; when publishing graphic visuals turns into frustration/threat and when omission becomes censorship. While we expect photojournalists work to have expressed sincere empathy to the families of this tragedy and the loss they felt, photojournalists have a responsibility to weigh news values of photographs versus the standards of good taste and to decide whether news values are more important. In this case, the focus on news values of the VT photos most probably formed their moral foundation for the choices to gather and disseminate such visuals. Furthermore, the focus on the shooter was not entirely surprising. Past research suggests the crime and suspect frame, which emphasizes the suspect and his/her role in the crime, is used to explain why the individual committed the crime (McCluskey, 2000). Because the VT shootings were so unexpected, media outlets relied on images of the suspect, to help readers come to grips with the tragedy. However, the secondary purpose of crime and suspect frame is also to humanize the victims (McCluskey, 2000). Clearly, this was not the case, as the VT victims received a relatively small amount of coverage as compared to Cho s coverage (see Table 1). One parent attempted to justify why the shooter received more coverage Unfortunately sensationalism sells rather than empathy, respect, and dignity That type of coverage is going to sell copies but is it really fair or ethical? Finally, the families suggested additional coverage of solutions to replace what in their view was sensational coverage. The media need to make more of positive programs and behavior, and less of violence and tragedies, one family member suggested. The family member explained the media should take the opportunity to highlight the need for high quality mental health coverage, increased awareness of mental health problems, and improvement of campus security at universities around the United States. 5 Overall, the families interviewed indicated frustration that the media failed to highlight the full story, such as the administration s failures in the year leading up to the shootings. 6 The media should have served the community by investigating Virginia Tech administration s actions, an angry parent said. The families indicated the media should have addressed how the administration failed to act on the warning signs Cho exhibited, 7 and covered information about the benefits of therapy and warning signs of mental illness. Family members also wanted the media to ask more difficult questions: What could VT have done to prevent this? Why didn t VT immediately close the campus after the shootings? Several participants asked. In sum, the parents interviewed clearly indicated the visuals that published in newspapers did not represent the event comprehensively in a way that would allow audience members to link separate elements of the story together and form a cohesive understanding of this tragedy. Limitations & Future Research While this exploratory study accomplished much by combining two methodologies and obtaining exclusive in-depth interviews with family members affected by the VT shootings, the researchers acknowledge room for improvement. One limitation is that this study did not analyze pictures from all U.S. newspapers. However, it is important to note that this study analyzed a much larger N than previous studies that have used pictures from the same data archive (i.e., Fahmy el al., 2007). Another limitation is the small sample of families interviewed (10%). Family members were understandably reluctant to discuss the loss of loved ones with relative strangers (the researchers) for a variety of reasons. First, the emotional nature of the subject made discussions difficult and caused one family member who had previously agreed to be interviewed to opt out of participation. Second, many families were advised by their lawyers not to talk to anyone about the event due to ongoing litigation and negations with the school involving settlements. In addition, several families opted not to participate because of previous negative experiences with the media. Although the researchers made every attempt to explain that the interviews were to collect information for purely academic purposes, some families disliked their past interactions with the media and feared academic interviews might be too similar of an experience to risk. Further, while we combined both suspect and victims in one frame the crime and suspect frame the extensive list of categories used made it feasible to examine the visual coverage in such a way that allowed each variable to be identified independently in all 2079 photographs analyzed (see Tables 1, 2, and 3). In addition, the two frames analyzed were based on previous research by McCluskey (2000) and allowed the Visual Communication Quarterly 104 Volume 17 April June 2010