ISSN MYKOLO ROMERIO UNIVERSITETAS JURISPRUDENCIJA TERORIZMAS IR ŽMOGAUS TEISĖS. Mokslo darbai 68(60) tomas

Transcription

1 ISSN MYKOLO ROMERIO UNIVERSITETAS JURISPRUDENCIJA TERORIZMAS IR ŽMOGAUS TEISĖS Mokslo darbai 68(60) tomas Vilnius 2005

2 Redaktoriø kolegija: doc. Armanas Abramavièius Lietuvos Konstitucinio Teismo teisëjas prof. Egidijus Aleksandravièius Vytauto Didþiojo universiteto senato pirmininkas doc. Petras Ancelis Mykolo Romerio universiteto Teisësaugos fakulteto dekanas Antanas Dapðys prof. Zdzisław Kegel Vroclavo universiteto Teisës, administravimo ir ekonomikos fakultetas prof. Egidijus Kurapka Mykolo Romerio universiteto mokslo prorektorius akademikas Pranas Kûris Europos Bendrijø Teisingumo Teismo teisëjas prof. Mindaugas Maksimaitis (kolegijos pirmininkas) Mykolo Romerio universiteto Teisës fakulteto Teisës istorijos katedros vedëjas prof. Kæstutis Masiulis Mykolo Romerio universiteto Valstybinio valdymo fakulteto Vieðojo administravimo katedra prof. Vytautas Pakalniðkis Mykolo Romerio universiteto Teisës fakulteto Civilinës ir komercinës teisës katedros vedëjas prof. Vytautas Piesliakas Lietuvos Aukðèiausiojo Teismo teisëjas doc. Jonas Prapiestis Lietuvos Konstitucinio Teismo teisëjas prof. Alvydas Pumputis Mykolo Romerio universiteto rektorius prof. Alfonsas Vaiðvila Mykolo Romerio universiteto Teisës fakulteto Teisës filosofijos katedros vedëjas dr. Vigintas Viðinskis Lietuvos apeliacinio teismo teisëjas prof. Juozas Þilys Mykolo Romerio universiteto Teisës fakulteto dekanas Editorial Staff: Assoc. Prof. Armanas Abramavièius, Judge of Constitutional Court of Lithuania Prof. Egidijus Aleksandravièius, Senate Chairman of Vytautas Magnus University Assoc. Prof. Petras Ancelis, Dean of Police Faculty of Mykolas Romeris University Antanas Dapðys Prof. Zdzisław Kegel, Faculty of Law, Administration and Economics of Wroclaw University Prof. Egidijus Kurapka, Vice Rector of Mykolas Romeris University Academician Pranas Kûris, Judge of the Court of Justice of the European Communities Prof. Mindaugas Maksimaitis, (senior editor), Head of Department of Law History of Law Faculty of Mykolas Romeris University Prof. Kæstutis Masiulis, Department of Public Administration of State Management Faculty of Mykolas Romeris University Prof. Vytautas Pakalniðkis, Head of Department of Civil and Commercial Law of Law Faculty of Mykolas Romeris University Prof. Vytautas Piesliakas, Judge of Supreme Court of Lithuania Assoc. Prof. Jonas Prapiestis, Judge of Constitutional Court of Lithuania Prof. Alvydas Pumputis, Rector of Mykolas Romeris University Prof. Alfonsas Vaiðvila, Head of Department of Law Philosophy of Law Faculty of Mykolas Romeris University Dr. Vigintas Viðinskis, Judge of Court of Appeal of Lithuania Prof. Juozas Þilys, Dean of Law Faculty of Mykolas Romeris University Redaktoriø kolegijos 2005 m. geguþës 19 d. posëdþio sprendimu (posëdþio protokolas Nr. 3L-11) leidinys rekomenduotas spausdinti Visos leidinio leidybos teisės saugomos. Šis leidinys arba kuri nors jo dalis negali būti dauginami, taisomi ar kitu būdu platinami be leidėjo sutikimo. Redakcijos adresas: Mykolo Romerio universitetas, Ateities g. 20, LT Vilnius El. paðtas Interneto svetainës adresas: Address of Editorial Office and Publishing House: Mykolas Romeris University, 20 Ateities st., LT Vilnius Mykolo Romerio universitetas, 2005

3 TURINYS Csaba Varga. Tikslai ir priemonës teisëje... 5 Alfonsas Vaiðvila. Terorizmas ir kova su terorizmu dvi grësmës þmogaus teisëms (metodologinis aspektas) Rûta Petkuvienë. Terorizmas kaip þmogaus teisiø universalumo neigimo padarinys Vytautas Ðlapkauskas. Visuomenës saugumo ir þmogaus teisiø ryðys kaip antiterorizmo ideologijos legitimacijos pagrindas Aleksandr Levèenkov. Terorizmas: tiesa ir prasimanymai Aleksandr Litvinov. P. Novgorodcevo valstybës sunykimo utopijos kritika (prieð marksizmà ir anarchizmà)... Darijus Beinoravièius. Terorizmas: jo prieþastys ir raidos tendencijos Nendrë Èerniauskienë. Terorizmo grësmë globaliniø kriziø valdymo kontekste Dainius Þilinskas. Terorizmo grësmë kaip teisësaugos institucijø integracijà skatinantis veiksnys Ernestas Spruogis. Tarptautinis terorizmas ir legitimiø priemoniø kovojant su juo naudojimas Arûnas Paukðtë. Pagrindinës ðiuolaikinio terorizmo ideologinës kryptys Informacija mokslo darbø "Jurisprudencija" autoriams

4 CONTENTS Csaba Varga. Goals and Means in Law, or Janus-Faced Abstract Rights... 5 Alfonsas Vaiðvila. Terrorism and Fight against Terrorism Two Threats to Human Rights (Methodological Aspect) Rûta Petkuvienë. Terrorism as a Conseguence of the Denial of Universal Human Rights Vytautas Ðlapkauskas. The Relationship between Social Security and Human Rights as a Basis for the Legitimacy of the Antiterrorist Ideology Alexandr Levèenkov. Terrorism: the Truth and the Lie Alexandr Litvinov. Criticism by Pavel Novgorodtsev of Utopia of out Politician (against Marxism and Anarchism) Darijus Beinoravièius. Terrorism: Reasons and Tendencies of Development Nendrë Èerniauskienë. Terrorism Threat in the Context of Global Crisis Dainius Þilinskas. Terrorist Threat as an Integrating Factor for Law Enforcement Institutions Ernestas Spruogis. International Terrorism and Use of Legitimate Measures against it.. 74 Arûnas Paukðtë. The Definition of Terrorism Information for scientific works Jurisprudencija authors

5 Jurisprudencija, 2005, t. 68(60); 5 10 GOALS AND MEANS IN LAW, OR JANUS-FACED ABSTRACT RIGHTS * Prof. Dr. Csaba Varga ** Deputy Dean for International Relations Director of the Institute H-1088 Budapest, Szentkirályi u ; Mail: H 1428 Budapest 8, POB 6 Phone: , (secr.) Fax: vargacs@jak.ppke.hu, varga@jak.ppke.hu (secr.) Received 12 February, Submitted to publish 10 June, In the age of modern formal law, most of our social institutions are organised and regulated in depth, according to a bureaucratic model. Since the analyses carried out by MAX WEBER, we have been aware of the significance and long-term impact of this fact and also of the reifying influence it may presumably exert on the underlying relations. 1 In the field of jurisprudence, it was pointed out by the research of, e.g., FRIEDRICH CARL VON SAVIGNY, FRANÇOIS GÉNY, JEAN DABIN and others 2 that, in result of its application, law can only appear contextualised in one or another setting, by the use of given legal techniques. However, given that reductio ad infinitum is impossible, the technique of law-application not only defies further normative definition, but enables applications with equal chances in logic that point to expressly opposite and practically mutually excluding directions. 3 Option for inclusio or exclusio, argumentum a simile or argumentum e contrario, recourse or not to analogia, searching for a basic underlying identity or marking a difference this is what Civil Law and Common Law justices are used to deciding on at all times in their professional life, be their legal cultures based on posited rules, on casual (precedental) decision or on finding a formula (writ) outlining in what and how to proceed. But the answer to the question of what way they act and how they proceed will be quite simple: they act by following patterns as long as they can; then, by resorting to their own decisions when there is no pattern any longer to provide guidance. Therefore, in its practical materialisation, law depends to a considerable extent on the mode of selecting out and actualising those technical and intepretive, argumentative and evidentiary means and procedures which are accepted in law to both shape and channel the formation of the judge s final conviction, over which the law has no control any longer. By such necessary mediators being wedged in the process, the reified power of the law gets back into the hand of man (with no relief any longer from his personal responsibility), who has equal chance to use or misuse (under-use or over- * The very first short version of the paper was prepared on the commission of MASSIMO VARI, Vice-Chairman Emeritus of Italy s Constitutional Court, on behalf of the Comitato Promotore degli Studi in Onore di SS. Giovanni Paolo II in Occasione del XXV Anno di Pontificato, and subsequently publised as Les buts et les moyens en droit in Giovanni Paolo II Le vie della giustizia: Itinerari per il terzo millennio (Omaggio dei giuristi a Sua Santitą nel XXV anno di pontificato) a cura di Aldo Loiodice e Massimo Vari (Roma: Bardi Editore e Libreria Editrice Vaticana 2003), pp ** Scientific advisor at the Institute for Legal Studies of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Professor of the Faculty of Law of the Péter Pázmány Catholic University of Hungary, Director of its Institute for Legal Philosophy (H 1428 Budapest 8, P. O. Box 6 [varga@jak.ppke.hu]). 1 Cf., from the author, Chose juridique et réification en droit in Archives de Philosophie du Droit 25 (Paris: Sirey 1980), pp See, e.g., Karl Friedrich von Savigny Vom Beruf unserer Zeit für Gesetzgebung und Rechtswissenschaft [1814] 3. Aufl. (Heidelberg 1840); from François Gény, Méthode d interprétation et sources en droit privé positif I II (Paris: Librairie Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence 1899) and particularly his Science et technique en droit privé positif I IV (Paris: Sirey ); from Jean Dabin, La théorie générale du droit (Bruxelles: Bruylant 1944), especially Part II: La méthode juridique, pp and also his La technique de l élaboration du droit positif spécialement du droit privé (Bruxelles: Bruylant & Paris: Sirey 1935). 3 Cf. Csaba Varga & József Szájer Legal technique in Rechtskultur Denkkultur Ergebnisse des ungarisch österreichischen Symposiums der Internationalen Vereinigung für Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie 1987, hrsg. Erhard Mock & Csaba Varga (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden 1989), pp [Archiv für Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie, Beiheft 35]. 5

6 use) the law, as the case may be, as well as his predecessors heritage and his own talent. 1 For this very reason, our theoretical interest in and responsibility for the work of law can by far not stop at the point where the law is posited. Just like law in books [somewhat as a Ding an sich] becomes tangible for us [as a Ding für uns] in the reality of law in action, 2 law cannot be considered otherwise than a process. And taken as a p r o c ess, law works in function of its environment and can only be assessed through its conditioning and contextualising culture. 3 * * * The philosophy placing the person in the centre as formulated by the Supreme Pontiff John Paul II during His philosopher s life earlier in Poland, which became integrated within the social teaching of the Church by now, 4 reflects methodologically similar insights regarding institutional operation in general. Notably, Man cannot relinquish himself or the place in the visible world that belongs to him; he cannot become the slave of things, the slave of economic systems, the slave of production, the slave of his own products. A civilization purely materialistic in outline condemns man to such slavery, the more so because What is in question is the advancement of persons, not just the multiplying of things that people can use. It is a matter [ ] not so much of»having more«as of»being more«. 5 And it is man at all times who bears responsibility for this all, which he may not in the least shift to his institution, superstructure or society. Not any given arrangement of a certain human community is a purpose in and for itself. And it cannot be used as a self-justification either. We have to be aware that Human rights and the rights of God go hand in hand. 6 All our call-words and the institutions constructed by us are fruits of man s striving for good, of man s struggles and partial successes. Man has indeed every reason to protect the products of his efforts. However, the significance of all such fruits cannot lie in themselves but exclusively in the values they may assist to implement. Man s ultimate evangelical purpose is not just to devise instruments but to properly serve the human personality and its unalienable dignity here on Earth, through developing the suitable media caring for it. To quote just one example, In fact, democracy itself is a means and not an end, and»the value of a democracy stands or falls with the values which it embodies and promotes«. 7 This same relation of goals and means (with the latter necessarily subordinated to the former) arises also in connection with the evaluation of world-wide integration into one unity, as one of the main tendencies dominating our age and determining our future. Globalization, a priori, is neither good nor bad. It will be what people make of it. No system is an end in itself, and it is necessary to insist that globalization, like any other system, must be at the service of the human person; it must serve solidarity and the common good. 8 1 Cf., from the author, Lectures on the Paradigms of Legal Thinking (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó 1999) vii pp. [Philosophiae Iuris]. 2 As the announcement of the American sociological jurisprudence, this is the conceptual differentiation proposed by Roscoe Pound in Law in Books and Law in Action American Law Review 44 (1910) 1 and further developed in his Jurisprudence IV (St. Paul 1959), pp. 14 (and, as applied to practical issues, in III, pp. 362 et seq.). 3 Cf., from the author, A jog mint folyamat [Law as process] (Budapest: Osiris 1999) 430 pp. [Osiris könyvtár: Jog]. 4 For his phenomenological personalism, see, from Karol Wojtyla, The Acting Person [1969] Analecta Husserliana X (1979), La persona: soggetto e comunità [1976] Il Nuovo Areopago 5 (1986) 4, Participation or Alienation Analecta Husserliana VI (1977), Transcendence of the Person in Action and Man s Self-teleology Analecta Husserliana 9 (1979); and, as collected, his Person and Community Selected Essays, trans. Theresa Sandok (New York: P. Lang 1993) pp. xvi and Perché l uomo Scritti inediti di antropologia e filosofia (Milano: Leonardo 1995) 320 pp. For an essayistic outline of his legal considerations and their philosophical foundations, see also Zenon Grocholewski La filosofia del diritto di Giovanni Paolo II (Roma: Editrice Falma Edium 2002). 5 Redemptor hominis (March 4, 1979), 16b and 16d. 6 Und doch gehören Menschenrechte und Gottesrechte zusammen. In Commentarium Officiale: Acta Ioannis Pauli Pp II Acta Apostolicae Sedis 80 (1988), p Message of the Holy Father in Democracy Reality and Responsibility [The Proceedings of the Sixth Plenary Session of the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, February 2000] ed. Hans F. Zacher (Vatican City 2001), p. xxxvi [Pontificiae Academiae Scientiarum Socialium Acta 6], quoting Evangelium Vitae (March 25, 1995), 70. As continued by R. Minnerath Le développement de la démocratie et la doctrine sociale de l Église in ibid., p. 416, Democracy in itself [ ] is not a supreme value. [ ] There are universal values inherent in the human substance about which no majority is entitled to decide on. 8 Address of the Holy Father in Globalization Ethical and Institutional Concern [Proceedings, Seventh Plenary Session, April 2001] ed. Edmond Malinvaud & Louis Sabourin (Vatican City 2001), p. 28 [The Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, Acta 7]. 6

7 Obviously, if globalization is ruled merely by the laws of the market applied to suit the powerful, the consequences cannot but be negative. 1 The outcome seems evident if, as illustrated by the Papal examples, the effect of globalisation manifests itself in absolutizing the economy, unemployment, the reduction and deterioration of public services, the destruction of the environment and natural resources, the growing distance between rich and poor, unfair competition which puts the poor nations in a situation of ever increasing inferiority. 2 No institution is therefore innocent by itself and no institution carries its value alone in its self. The only reason for institutional existence can be the service of humans in the sense that the person in the community [...] must, as a fundamental factor in the common good, constitute the essential criterion for all programmes, systems and regimes. 3 Searching even deeper for the core of the internal need or interior demand of the human being, 4 at the service of which human efforts shall be aimed, we inevitably arrive at the realm of values: values which we ourselves have to reveal and identify in the created world, based on our own culture, experienced and continuously improved, helping us find our way in the world, in which we move by giving an account of our existence as humans. All this testifies to an unchallengeable priority amongst values. In terms of this, we can agree that Ethics demands that systems be attuned to the needs of man, and not that man be sacrificed for the sake of the system. [ ] Globalization must not be a new version of colonialism. It must respect the diversity of cultures which [ ] are life s interpretive keys. Aware of some contemporary threats, the Pope asserts that what is desirable as an outcome is not [ ] a single dominant socio-economic system or culture which would impose its values and its criteria on ethical reasoning, that is, as implied by the above, certainly not [ ] absolute relativization of values and the homogenization of life-styles and cultures. 5 It is the person s decision about his own life with respect to the principle of subsidiarity that is absolutely vital. And this also involves the respect of the levels of decision for that sovereignty can be realised on both an individual and a statal plane. The essential sense of the State, as a political community, consists in that the society and people composing it are master and sovereign of their own destiny. This sense remains unrealized if, instead of the exercise of power with the moral participation of the society or people, what we see is the imposition of power by a certain group upon all the other members of the society. 6 In the light of the same teaching, even the achievements of several centuries of our Euro- Atlantic development, taken for granted so far as democracy, parliamentarism and human rights, 7 can in themselves be hardly conceived of as anything more than faceless techniques. Or, they are nothing but neutral instruments in se et per se, carrying values exclusively through the realisation of their underlying goals. 8 Yet, if this is the case, they can only be universal (or universalised) as abstract potentialities, for exclusively the depth of how they actually fill their roles under hic et nunc given conditions may qualify their concrete materialisation eventually good, beneficial or exemplary. Whether our duty is to operate or develop (by deepening or extending or reconsidering) them, as may be required at a given time, we must not forget that they are only justifiable to the extent they encourage the development of the person directly or indirectly. 9 1 Pope Paul VI in Ecclesia in America (January 22, 1999), 20, quoted by Diarmuid Martin Globalization in the Social Teaching of the Church in The Social Dimensions of Globalisation [Proceedings of the Workshop on Globalisation, February 2000] ed. Louis Sabourin (Ex Aedibus Academicis in Civitate Vaticana: MM), p. 86 [Pontificiae Academiae Scientiarum Socialium, Miscellanea 2]. 2 Ibid. 3 Redemptor hominis, 17d. 4 Joseph Ratzinger Crises of Law [the Cardinal s address as an honorary doctor to the Faculty of Law of LUMSA (Rome, 10 November, 1999)] [ 5 Address of the Holy Father in Globalization, p. 29. As an American author Thomas L. Friedman The Lexus and the Olive Tree [New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux 1999] rev. ed. (2000), p. 302, quoted by Mary Ann Glendon Meeting the Challenges of Globalization in ibid., p. 338 continues, You cannot build an emerging society [ ] if you are simultaneously destroying the cultural foundations that cement your society and give it the self-confidence and cohesion to interact properly with the world [ ]. For without a sustainable culture there is no sustainable community and without a sustainable community there is no sustainable globalization. 6 Redemptor Hominis. 7 Cf., e.g., Giorgio Filibeck Human Rights in the Teaching of the Church From John XXIII to John Paul II (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana 1994) 494 p. [Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace / International Federation of Catholic Universities] and Human Rights and the Pastoral Mission of the Church (World Congress on the Pastoral Promotion of Human Rights, Rome, July 1998) (Rome 2000) 80 pp. 8 See, e.g., Democracy Some Acute Questions [The Proceedings of the Fourth Plenary Session of the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, April 1998] ed. Hans F. Zacher (Vatican City 1999) [Pontificiae Academiae Scientiarum Socialium Acta 4] and Democracy Reality and Responsibility (note 10) 450 pp. 9 Cf. Csaba Varga Jogállamiság kihívások keresztútján [Rule of law at the crossroads of challenges] Valóság XLV (April 2002) 4, pp

8 We have to be aware of the fact that these do not prevail by themselves as parts of nature or as entities, destined from the beginning to share or shape humans lives. For instance, Democracy, as an idea as well as a practice, does not come by itself; it is neither an intellectual evidence nor a spontaneous behavior. On the contrary [ ]. 1 Well, these are artificial human constructions, 2 skills developed through the constantly controlled experience accumulated through generations, 3 sustained and substantiated by the unceasing human effort at socialisation, re-generation and re-conventionalisation. Examining the lessons drawn from anthropology in the perspective of the history of philosophy, 4 we may arrive at a reconstruction according to which the p e r s o n (including his personality and individuality) can only develop in human history as conditioned by forms of association that are indispensable for the biological as well as the social reproduction of humankind, known in want of better identification of types as the f a m i l y as well as the n a t i o n. Person, his/her family and nation: these are the basic constituents to be taken as axiomatic foundations, successively building upon one another as balanced in their mutual preconditioning and support. Therefore, no external limitation (even in the name of such usually absolutised human values as freedom and self-determination) can be imposed upon and to the detriment of any of them. In consequence, any other specifically human value is thus reflexive upon and instrumental to them in function of the optimum development of the person and his/her family and nation. 5 Obviously, family and nation, as media of reproduction, are instrumental for the person to develop with dignity realised. Human rights, fundamental freedoms as well as the legal values of freedom and self-determination are instrumental to the former. 6 Finally, the values of legal formalism such as legal security, equality before the law or the law s foreseeability are instrumental as merely formal mediatory values to all the above foundational values. Thus, the purport of institutional operation is necessarily more than the destiny of itself; therefore, it cannot be controlled, qualified or justified merely by reference to and in terms of its institutional constitution. The observance of a set of rules defining institutional operation in its formalised homogeneity is only sufficient for the operation in question to be qualified as complying with its own rules but not for anything more. No doubt, institutions are expected to operate regularly, however, certainly they have not been established for the very reason to be regular for their own sake (so to say, in a l art pour l art way). On the whole, something far more is at stake here than the one suggested by the doctrine of the supremacy of the greater number, and that all right and all duty reside in the majority. 7 For The imperium of truth is not and cannot be democratic. 8 The institution points beyond its own self. Democracy does not itself introduce values, nor does democracy itself produce values. It mediates between values. 9 The institution is intermediary in assisting to implement imported values in their respective professional homogenised fields. 1 René Rémond Democracy in Western Europe in Democracy [Proceedings of the Workshop, December 1996] ed. Hans F. Zacher (Ec Aidubvs Academicis in Civitate Vaticana: MCMXCVIII), p. 52 [Pontificiae Academiae Scientiarvm Socialivm, Miscellanea 1]. 2 For the first application of the term, see Georg Klaus Einführung in die formale Logik (Berlin[-East]: Deutsche Verlag der Wissenschaften 1959). 3 The Pope himself refers in his message to the 4th plenary session of the Vatican s Academy of Social Sciences convened in 1998 to discuss Democracy Some Acute Questions (note 19) Address of the Holy Father, p. 26 to Centesimus annus (May 1, 1991), 43, in terms of which The Church has no models to present; models that are real and truly effective can only arise within the framework of different historical situations, through the efforts of all those who responsibly confront concrete problems in all their social, economic, political and cultural aspects, as these interact with one another. 4 Cf. János Goják Az európai értékrend antropológiai alapjai [The anthropological foundations of the European order of values] [lecture delivered at the international Conference organised in Budapest on March 7, 2003 by the Committee Justitia et Pax of the Hungarian Bishops Conference on European values and the European Constitution in Making]. Cf. also Laborem excercens (14 September, 1981), 10, 6d and 3b. 5 Cf. Csaba Varga Önmagát felemelő ember? Korunk racionalizmusának dilemmái [Man, elevating himself? Dilemmas of rationalism in our age] in Sodródó emberiség [Mankind adrift: on the work of Nándor Várkonyi»The Fifth Man«] ed. Katalin Mezey (Budapest: Széphalom 2000), pp One of the reasons why the Emeritus Professor of Demography at the Catholic University of Leuwen, MICHAEL SCHOOLYANS considers the decisive influence on global planning by New Age s secular ideologists under the United Nations aegis even more threatening than the classical revolutionism of one-time MARXists, because the former, running against the spirit of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), make the fate of the world and, in it, also of the unalienable dignity of the human person a mere function of a series of majoritarian decisions taken by unequal parties, in order to impose their will on other nations as a kind of world-government, to the detriment of the principle of subsidiarity. See, e.g., Globalization s Dark Side Inside the Vatican (October 2001), and as an archiepiscopal stand Elden F. Curtiss United Nations Population Management Social Justice Review (May June 2002), as well as a number of similar views in 7 XIII Leo Libertas Praestantissimum (June 20, 1888). 8 Habib C. Malik Democracy and Religious Communities: The Riddle of Pluralism in Democracy Reality and Responsability, p Hans F. Zacher Democracy: Common Questions in Democracy, p

9 Thus, institutional existence cannot be taken as an in itself sufficient totality. Its homogenised operation is only intended to maximise its instrumental efficiency. However, there is a price to be paid for this. For the institution as such will be dependent on external factors and, if getting into improper hands or into the attraction of improper intentions, it may become exposed to whatever kind of uncontrollable powers. This is the underlying reason why the social teaching of the Catholic Church has to emphasise in describing the interrelation between large systems that if there is no ultimate truth to guide and direct political activity, then ideas and convictions can easily be manipulated for reasons of power. As history demonstrates, a democracy without values easily turns into open or thinly disguised totalitarianism. 1 Consequently, the human person with his own personal faith, conscience, values and conviction shall not be neglected. Likewise, personal responsibility with the ethos of moral commitment and the predisposition for re-consideration (adaptation and response to new challenges) any time when needed is part of the scheme. 2 * * * Approaching legal dilemmas with such a sensitivity, what we can see is that due to the inherent polarity arising from the law s formalism, the development of legal thought (both in judicial practice and scholarship) often takes place through generating (positing) in themselves utterly artificial a n t i t h e t i c a l c o n c e p t s which may then abruptly switch over into one another. The conflicts, for instance, of SHAMMAÏ and HILLEL in classical Jewish law or of the PROCULians and the SABINians (following LABEO and CAPITO respectively) in Roman law equally illustrate the collision of form and contents with their emphasis on strictness of being tied to the text, on the one hand, and l i v e a b i l i t y with the realisation of the underlying goals in mind, on the other. 3 Moreover, listing more examples up to the tragic recent past of 20th-century European history, the controversy between HANS KELSEN and CARL SCHMITT in the Weimar crisis can apart from their positions being thoroughly twisted under the constraint of conditions also be construed as the (equally dangerous, if taken as exclusive) alternative of either a purely f o r m a l p r o c e d u r a l i t y justifying any result (maybe destroying even the last chance of national advancement) from the outset or a s u b s t a n t i v i t y calling for a sovereign decision with the expectation of being able to finally reach the underlying goal. 4 Or, the conditional acceptance of formal requirements, that is, the justification of procedurally defined paths in function of their suitability for achieving the actual purpose (with searching for the mutuality of satisfactory balances instead of the one-sidedness of exclusivities) is all but new recognition in the history of legal thought. 5 This is what presents the application of any norm in the context of pondering between the goods to 1 Centesimus Annus, The following remark emerges in this context: The principle of democracy excludes that any power whether it be of rule or of fact dominates over the others. Yet today democracy is threatened by the hegemony of two powers: that of the media and that of the judges. A reflection is necessary to define the parameters, the limits and the competence of each one. Rémond, op. cit. in Democracy (1998), p. 49. For not even the role played by the constitutional courts is [ ] without its problems. Their democratic legitimation is as a rule less obvious than the democratic legitimation of parliament [ ]. It depends very largely on the credibility with which the constitutional courts base their decisions on the constitution, if decisions with which they oppose the authority of the legislature or indeed of the government are not to imperil democracy or the constitutional court itself. Zacher, op. cit. in ibid., p See, above all, Chaïm Perelman Legal Ontology and Legal Reasoning Israel Law Review 16 (1981) 3, pp and Peter Stein Logic and Experience in Roman and Common Law Boston University Law Review 59 (1979) 3, pp , reprinted in Comparative Legal Cultures ed. Csaba Varga (Aldershot, Hong Kong, Singapore, Sydney: Dartmouth & New York: The New York University Press 1992) xxiv pp. [The International Library of Essays in Law & Legal Theory, Legal Cultures 1], pp. 363 et seq. et 333 et seq., respectively. 4 Cf., from the author, Change of Paradigms in Legal Reconstruction (Carl Schmitt and the Temptation to Finally Reach a Synthesis) in Liber Amicorum in Honor to Professor Jes Bjarup ed. Peter Wahlgren & Mauro Zamboni (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell 2004) [in preparation]. 5 The mutuality of balances: this is what the Lithuanian scholarship [Alfonsas Vaišvila Teisinės valstybės koncepcija lietuvoje [The Lithuanian approach to rule of law] (Vilnius: Litimo 2000) 647 pp.], critical about the present direction of transition to rule of law, is looking for nowadays both in the assumption of social solidarity and as to be expressed also in the law s technicised homogeneity in the balance of rights and obligations. Cf., as the author s review essay on it, Rule of Law between the Scylla of Patterns and the Charybdis of Realisations (The Experience of Lithuania) Rechtstheorie 35 (2004) [in press]. The papal instructions are quite clear on this issue too. For each of these rights, there is a corresponding duty, and We proclaim the duties with equal force and clarity Pope Paul VI told on April 11, 1976 [Message of the Holy Father for the 1976 World Social Communications Day], for to give the rights predominance over the duties would be to provoke an imbalance, which would be reflected in a damaging way in social life. It must be remembered that the reciprocity between rights and duties is an essential thing; the one springs from the other, and vice versa. Every individual has the obligation Pope John Paul II went on on December 2, 1978 [Message for the 30th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights] to exercise his basic rights in a responsible and ethically justified manner. 9

10 be protected and the goals to be achieved, just as JESUS CHRIST did, when He declared, as against the Pharisean interpretation of the Sabbath s law: So it is lawful to do good on the sabbath. 1 The dramatic self-transcendence by GUSTAV RADBRUCH who had to realise on the ruins of the Third Reich that his earlier dedication to security in law might destruct the basic need of justice, moreover, it might also leave the damages caused by the facts of crying injustice both unremedied and unremediable in the law 2 served as an empirical proof for him and for us all that any onesidedness (no matter how eternal and guaranteed the human principles involved seem) may have a destructive impact upon law. The solution is obviously not just stumbling about between the extremes but pondering upon the ancient Roman wisdom. Namely, conceiving of law as both craftsmanship and arts, i.e., a r s in Latin, presents law in a state of equilibrium from the very beginning, in which both the questions of wherefrom? and along what standards? to start reasoning as well as those of where to? and arriving at what result? to channel reasoning are of complementary and equal importance. 3 After all, reasoning started from somewhere has to be channelled in a considered and continuously re-considered perspective. In fact, the consciousness of the genuine purport of legal technique in law may help us to achieve that such a continuous meditation, pondering and balancing on and amongst various aspects, values and interests with the subordination of all kinds of institutional operation (and their inherent strive for alienation) to the service of the cause of the person, his family and nation as a community home will be increasingly realised in everyday practice. Tikslai ir priemonės teisėje Prof. dr. Csaba Varga Vengrija SANTRAUKA Straipsnyje gvildenama teisės teorinės rekonstrukcijos požiūriu aktuali tema: tikslų (vertybių) ir priemonių (teisinių instrumentų) santykio problema. Straipsnyje siekiama parodyti, kad teisė, disponuodama savo metodais, įrodomosiomis ir procedūrinėmis priemonėmis, pati šių instrumentų nebekontroliuoja. Šių instrumentų naudojimas ir teigiamais, ir neigiamais sumetimais ima priklausyti nuo žmogaus. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad teisės funkciją tokiu atveju galima vertinti pagal tai, kokiais principais ir vertybėmis vadovaujasi teisės subjektas. Teisės subjektas, t. y. žmogus, negali atsisakyti savo savasties, t. y. tapti daiktų, ekonominių sistemų vergu, todėl demokratijos institutai ir globalizacijos procesai savaime nėra nei geri, nei blogi. Svarbu tai, kaip žmogus su jais sąveikauja, ar nėra jų pavergiamas. 1 Matthew 12:12 in The New American Bible [ PVL.HTM]. Cf. also Peter Noll Jesus und das Gesetz Rechtliche Analyse der Normenkritik in der Lehre Jesu (Tübingen: Mohr 1968), p. 11. [Sammlung gemeinverständlicher Vorträge und Schriften aus dem Gebiet der Theologie und Religionsgeschichte 253]. 2 Cf. Gustav Radbruch Gesetzliches Unrecht und übergesetzliches Recht Süddeutsche Juristen-Zeitung (1946), No. 5. For the theoretical background, see Zoltán Péteri Gustav Radbruch und einige Fragen der relativistischen Rechtsphilosophie Acta Juridica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae II (1960) 1 2, pp For a present-day re-consideration, cf., e.g.,. B. Schumacher Rezeption und Kritik der Radbruchsen Formel [Diss.] (Göttingen 1985); W. Ott Die Radbruch sche Formel: Pro und Contra Zeitschrift für Schweizerisches Recht 107 (1988), pp. 335 et seq.; Arthur Kaufmann Die Radbruchsche Formel vom gesetzlichen Unrecht und vom übergesetzlichen Recht in der Diskussion um das im Namen der DDR begangene Unrecht Neue Juristische Wochenschrift 48 (1995), pp. 81 et seq.; H. Dreier Die Radbruchsche Formel Erkenntnis oder Bekenntnis in Staatsrecht in Theorie und Praxis Festschrift für Robert Walter, hrsg. H. Mayer (Wien: Manz 1991), pp. 120 et seq.; Stefan Talmon The Radbruch Formula: Legal Injustice and Supra-legal Justice ELSA Law Review II (Winter 1991) 1, pp ; Stanley L. Paulson Radbruch on Unjust Laws: Competing Earlier and Later Views? Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 15 (1995), pp. 489 et seq.; H. Dreier Gustav Radbruch und die Mauerschützen Juristenzeitung (1997), pp. 421 et seq.; Robert Alexy A Defence of Radbruch s Formula in Recrafting the Rule of Law The Limits of Legal Order, ed. David Dyzenhaus (Oxford & Portland [Oregon]: Hart 1999), pp Cf. also Rudolf Geiger The German Border Guard Cases and International Human Rights European Journal of International Law 9 (1998), pp , especially para B.2, pp Cf., from the author, Technique and Doctrine in Law in Festschrift an Lothar Philipps hrsg. Bernd Schünemann, Frau Tinnefeld, Roland Wittmann (Berlin: Berliner Wissenschaftsverlag 2004). 10

11 Jurisprudencija, 2005, t. 68(60); TERORIZMAS IR KOVA SU TERORIZMU DVI GRĖSMĖS ŽMOGAUS TEISĖMS (metodologinis aspektas) Prof. habil. dr. Alfonsas Vaišvila Mykolo Romerio universiteto Teisës fakulteto Teisës filosofijos katedra Ateities g. 20, LT Vilnius Telefonas Elektroninis paðtas Pateikta 2004 m. gruodžio 15 d. Parengta spausdinti 2005 m. gegužės 31 d. Pagrindinės sąvokos: terorizmas, valstybinis terorizmas, teisingumas, kompromisas, žmogaus teisių universalizmas. Santrauka Straipsnyje aptariami kovos su terorizmu taktikos bendrieji principai žmogaus teisių saugos požiūriu, tos kovos vidinis prieštaringumas: subjektyviai šalinant terorizmo keliamas grėsmes žmogaus teisėms, objektyviai kuriamos naujos grėsmės toms pačioms teisėms. Viena iš šio prieštaringumo priežasčių kovos su terorizmu pakeitimas kova su teroristais. Tai iškreipia terorizmo, kaip socialinio reiškinio, esmę, o pačią kovą orientuoja ne tiek į terorizmo priežastis, kiek į jo padarinius. Šis kovos objektų sukeitimas vietomis reikalauja į pirmą vietą iškelti ir atitinkamai sureikšminti policines ir karines priemones. Dėl to kyla grėsmė atsirasti naujai terorizmo formai valstybiniam terorizmui: su atskirais teroristais kovojama bombarduojant suverenių valstybių miestus kėsinantis į tūkstančių niekuo nekaltų civilinių gyventojų pagrindines teises. Demokratinėmis besivadinančios valstybės priešinasi terorizmui demokratijai nebūdingomis priemonėmis, keldamos visuotinę grėsmę žmogaus teisėms ir demokratijos ateičiai. Siekiant kovą su terorizmu nepaversti nauja grėsme žmogaus teisėms, pabrėžiama būtinybė terorizmą vertinti kaip sudėtingą socialinį reiškinį, o kovą su juo grįsti pirmenybę teikiant ne policinėms, karinėms, o teisinėms, socialinėms priemonėms. Pastarųjų prioriteto pripažinimas įpareigoja keistis nuoseklaus teisės ir teisingumo viršenybės įgyvendinimo linkme ne tik į teroristinę veiklą linkusius asmenis, bet ir visuomenes. Nedėmesingumas teisei ir teisingumui (dvejopų standartų taikymas socialiniuose ir tarptautiniuose santykiuose) yra viena iš pagrindinių priežasčių, palaikančių ir skatinančių įvairias terorizmo formas. Terorizmas gali būti tas lakmuso popierėlis, kuris vis aiškiau įrodinėja tą faktą, kad tas teisės ir teisingumo įgyvendinimo lygis, kuriuo iki šiol savo socialinį stabilumą garantavo Vakarų pasaulis, jau yra išsėmęs savo kuriamąsias galimybes toliau tai daryti globalizacijos sąlygomis, kai į socialinę areną ateina naujos socialinės grupės, tautos, net civilizacijos, siekiančios lygiateisiškumo pagrindais dalyvauti kuriant šiuolaikinę socialinio sugyvenimo tvarką ir konkrečios šalies viduje, ir tarptautiniu mastu. Todėl šiuolaikinis pasaulis, kuris ir globalizacijos sąlygomis nori vienaip arba kitaip ignoruoti kaskart aktualesniu tampantį ir besiplečiantį teisės ir teisingumo poreikį, absoliutinti atskirų tautų ir socialinių grupių interesus, lygiateisį bendradarbiavimą keisti diktatu, darosi pavojingas sau pačiam. Terorizmas gali būti traktuojamas kaip šios bundančios grėsmės pirmasis, aiškiau išreikštas pranašas ir visuomenių socialinio reformavimosi būtinybės užsakovas. 11

12 Didėjančio susidomėjimo kovos su terorizmu priežastys. Lietuvai susiejus savo likimà su Europos ir euroatlantinës integracijos likimu, daromës atsakingi ir uþ tà Europos ateitá, kuriai átakos gali turëti ir ðiuolaikinis terorizmas bei kovos su juo pobûdis. Ði problematika aktuali ir dël terorizmo bei kovos su terorizmu tiesioginio ir esminio ryðio su þmogaus teisëmis, kurios iki ðiol buvo ir yra pagrindinë Vakarø civilizacijos vertybinë orientacija, iki ðiol garantavusi Vakarams lyderio statusà þmoniø santykiø humanizavimo srityje. Pastarojo meto terorizmo mastai ir neáprasta kova su juo verèia þiûrëti á já ne tik kaip á áprastà kriminaliná, bet ir kaip á ypatingos svarbos socialiná politiná reiðkiná, kuris dël keliamos grësmës þmogaus teisëms masto, intensyvumo ir kovos su juo sudëtingumo ir netradiciðkumo gali gerokai pakeisti ðiuolaikinio pasaulio santvarkà, turëti deformuojanèios reikðmës demokratijos likimui. Globalizacijos sàlygomis savo teisiø ágyvendinimo ir ginties tikslais bunda naujos socialinës grupës, tautos, valstybës, net civilizacijos, kurios ateina á socialiná, taip pat ir á tarptautiná bendravimà su savo interesais, tradicijomis ir savaip suprantamais bei prieinamais savo teisiø gynimo bûdais, tarp kuriø yra ir teroras átakos politiniams sprendimams darymas keliant siaubà civiliams gyventojams. Tai verèia ið naujo permàstyti tautø ir atskirø socialiniø grupiø tarpusavio bendravimo pagrindus besipleèianèios globalizacijos sàlygomis: kuo tie santykiai turëtø remtis, kad nepadidëtø besiintegruojanèio pasaulio pavojingumas þmogui ir demokratijai. Berlyne veikiantis Vokieèiø þmogaus teisiø institutas savo pagrindine pastarøjø metø tyrimø kryptimi yra pasirinkæs temà Terorizmas ir žmogaus teisės. Apibendrindamas ðiø tyrimø rezultatus, jis 2002 ir 2003 m. yra padaræs kelis praneðimus tema Tarptautinis terorizmas ir þmogaus teisës, kuriø pagrindinë iðvada: kovos su terorizmu priemonës neturi paþeisti þmogaus teisiø, antiteroristinë kova neturinti tapti laisva nuo teisës sala ( rechtsfreie Inseln ) [1]. Minëtas institutas yra kritikavæs JAV naudojamas kovos su terorizmu priemones Afganistane, Irake, taip pat ir prieð Afganistane paimtus á nelaisvæ Al Qaidos kovotojus, kuriems, atgabentiems ið Afganistano á Gvatemalà, teisinë pagalba ir kontrolë yra neprieinamos. Taigi kas bûdinga ðiuolaikinei kovai su terorizmu, jei ji naikindama vienas grësmes þmogaus teisëms terorizmà, gali sukelti ir jau kelia naujas? Ðios kovos vidiná prieðtaringumà þmogaus teisiø atþvilgiu lemia dvi joje iðryðkëjusios tendencijos: 1) Kovos su terorizmu pakeitimas kova su teroristais. Tai situacija, kai ignoratio elenchi pagrindu skelbiant kovà terorizmui, praktiðkai veikiama pagal kovos su teroristais scenarijø ir metodus. Apie tai liudija ir antroji tendencija, regimu pavidalu reprezentuojanti pirmàjà kaip savo prieþastá. 2) Kovojant su terorizmu, pirmenybė teikiamas policinėms, o kai jų nepakanka, ir karinėms priemonėms. Ið tiesø jei stengiamasi ne tiek terorizmo, kiek teroristø atþvilgiu, tai logiðka pirmenybæ teikti policinëms ir karinëms kovos priemonëms, nes tada reikia ðalinti ne konkreèius socialinius reiðkinius, o konkreèius asmenis. Nesugebëjimà arba nenorà ávesti tvarkà savo namuose reikia kompensuoti smurtiniu tvarkos ávedimu kitose ðalyse (Jungtiniø Valstijø bandymas karu naikinti teroristus uþ savo ðalies ribø be Jungtiniø Tautø pritarimo virsta suvereniø valstybiø okupavimu su visais ið to iðplaukianèiais padariniais tarptautinës teisës autoritetui ir tarptautiniam saugumui). Sukeitus ðios kovos objektus, susidaro galimybë iðkreipti terorizmo prieþastis, perkelti jas ið socialinës srities á psichologijà ir tvirtinti, kad paèioje visuomenëje lyg ir nëra terorizmo prielaidø ir kad tos prieþastys ið esmës slypi tik deformuotoje atskirø teroristø sàmonëje (terorizmo prieþasèiø psichologizavimas). Apie tai liudija ir tas faktas, kad dideliu populiarumu, ypaè Amerikoje, ðiandien naudojasi ne tik multikauzalinës terorizmo prieþasèiø teorijos, bet ir ávairios psichologinës teorijos, linkusios pagrindines terorizmo prieþastis perkelti á teroristø psichologinæ asmenybæ ir jas aiðkinti tos asmenybës ávairiomis destrukcijomis. Jeigu visuomenë, á kurià kësinasi terorizmas, ið esmës sveika, (jos santvarka, vidaus ir uþsienio politika nepaþeidþia teisës nekuria ir neskatina terorizmo), logiðka daryti iðvadà nesveiki tik atskiri jos asmenys arba terorizmu uþsiima tik ið kitur á tà visuomenæ ateinantys musulmonø ekstremistai (fundamentalistai). Vadinasi, jei yra ne terorizmas, o teroristai, tai jø ryðys su ta visuomene gali bûti ir nebûtinas, atsitiktinis, iðorinis, laikinas. Jeigu taip, tai kovojant su teroristais toje visuomenëje nieko nereikia keisti, reformuoti, reikia tik sunaikinti, ákalinti teroristus arba kitomis priemonëmis priversti juos atsisakyti teroristinës veiklos. Terorizmas bus áveiktas, jei bus suèiuptas Bin Ladenas, Basajevas, Maschadovas arba kitas teroristø vadas (uþ jø galvas siûlomos milijoninës premijos). Esant ðiai nuostatai nebûtina susimàstyti, arba paieðkomi teroristai yra konkretûs asmenys, ar tik personifikuoti þenklai tø prieþasèiø, kurios nuolat kuria ir palaiko naujus binladenus, basajevus... ir kuriuos suëmus gali atsirasti nauji jø prototipai. Remiantis ðiuo màstymu bus sunku paaiðkinti, kodël á þuvusiø arba suimtø teroristø vietà stoja nauji. Ar ði pamaina ateina tik todël, kad pasaulyje yra perteklius psicholo- 12

13 giðkai sugedusiø, nestabilios psichikos ir gyventi norà praradusiø asmenø? Kodël po pavykusio teroro akto Niujorke ir Vaðingtone dþiaugsmo ðoká ðoka palestinieèiai, o po teroro aktø Maskvoje tam tikra dalis èeèënø? Vadinasi, kol kova su terorizmu reiðkia tik akcijas prieð teroristus, tol ta kova turi bûti pavirðutiniðka ir galiausiai menkai veiksminga, nes neþinant arba nenorint þinoti esminiø terorizmo kaip socialinio reiðkinio prieþasèiø, neámanoma pasirinkti adekvaèiø ðio reiðkinio specifikà atitinkanèiø ir dël to veiksmingø áveikimo priemoniø ir bûdø. Kita vertus, kova su teroristais, o ne su terorizmu noriau renkamasi dar ir dël to, kad jauèiama savo pusëje esanèià ne teisës, o jëgos persvarà. Jëgos persvara yra bene tikroji ðiø sàvokø sukeitimo prieþastis ir kartu kliûtis nuo policiniø, kariniø priemoniø prioriteto pereiti prie dialogo ir kompromiso prioritetø, nuo kovos prie reformø ir bendradarbiavimo. Ðià tendencijà vargu ar ámanoma kitaip sustabdyti, kaip tik duoti jai galimybæ visiðkai save atskleisti, sukompromituoti, sukelti neatremiamà grësmæ þmogaus teisëms. Tik labai iðgàsdintos visuomenës linkusios reviduoti savo vertybinius prioritetus, permàstyti savo vidaus ir uþsienio politikà teisës ir teisingumo poþiûriu. Tokiu atveju minëta problema pasirodytø ne kaip mokslinio tyrimo problema, o kaip gyvenimo drama, katastrofa. Mokslo prevencinë misija áspëti apie tokios tendencijos grësmæ, kol ta grësmë dar nëra virtusi aktualiàja tikrove. Prieðingu atveju tokios situacijos mokslinis tyrinëjimas beprasmis, nes mokslas praktiðkai reikðmingas ne savo statistiniu jau ávykusiø faktø registravimu, o þvalgybine, prevencine funkcija. Kova su terorizmu taikant teroristų metodus. Kaip parodë JAV antiteroristinis karas Afganistane ir Irake, pastangø karu áveikti teroristus rezultatas yra daugybë niekuo nekaltø civiliø gyventojø aukø, dideli civilizacijos sugriovimai. Dël JAV antiteroristiniø kariniø veiksmø Afganistane ir Irake, kuriuos G. W. Bushas savo 2003.IX.12 kalboje pavadino greièiausiu ir humaniðkiausiu karu [2], jau þuvo, suþalota, tapo naðlaièiais, benamiais tûkstanèiai niekuo nekaltø civiliø þmoniø, sugriautos tø ðaliø socialinës, ûkinës infrastruktûros, sunaikintos ir iðgrobstytos neákainojamos tø ðaliø, ypaè Irako, istorinës vertybës visos þmonijos dvasinis turtas. Atsakomøjø teroro aktø baimë atitinkamai sukausto JAV ir Anglijos vidaus gyvenimà. Multos timere debet, quem multi timent (Publilius) [Tas, kurio bijo daugelis, pats turi bijoti daugelio]. Be to, ði tendencija atgaivina lyg ir seniai pasmerktà rasizmà, tik maskuotà, nes skirtingø tautø þmoniø teisës vertinamos skirtingai: amerikieèiø þmogaus teises galima ginti neigiant kitø ðaliø þmoniø tas paèias teises. Tada þmogaus teisiø universalizmo atsisakymas turi bûti neiðvengiamas. Visuotinës Þmogaus Teisiø Deklaracijos principas visi gimsta lygûs savo orumu ir teisëmis ðiuo atveju gali ápareigoti visus, iðskyrus JAV. Jei þmogaus teisës ne universalios, globalizacija pavirsta tik stambiojo kapitalo valdþios plëtrà, kuri þada naujus konfliktus ir naujas grësmes. Globalus kapitalo judëjimas turi perspektyvà tada, kai jis pirmiausia yra universaliø þmogaus teisiø ágyvendinimo ir apsaugos priemoniø plëtros judëjimas. Karu reaguojant á padëtá, terorizmas ir kova su teroristais tampa skirtingomis grësmëmis, tik kitaip pateisinamomis toms paèioms þmogaus teisëms: teroristai savo kësinimàsi á civilius gyventojus grindþia noru priversti vyriausybes arba valstybes gerbti tam tikrø socialiniø grupiø, tautø teises arba tam tikrø tautø teisæ á laisvæ ir nepriklausomybæ; valstybës kësinasi á tø paèiø civiliø gyventojø gyvybæ teisindamosi bûtinybe kovoti su teroristais (JAV bombarduoja Afganistano ir Irako miestus, tikëdamosi, kad tarp þuvusiø civiliø galbût þus ir nors vienas teroristas arba bus pakeistas politinis reþimas, átariamas palankumu teroristams). Ir vienu, ir kitu atveju civiliø gyventojø þudymas planuojamas kaip sàmoningas tikslas. Kadangi grupiniø tikslø ágyvendinimas þudant civilinius gyventojus patenka á klasikiná terorizmo apibrëþimà, kova su teroristais virsta nauja terorizmo, tik ðiuo atveju valstybinio, forma. JAV nacionalinius ástatymus, leidþianèius JAV kariauti karà svetimos valstybës teritorijoje teroristø paieðkos ar sulaikymo tikslais, JAV tarptautinës teisës prof. E. McWhinney dar 1987 m. ávardijo kaip valstybiná terorizmà, keliantá grësmæ visuotinai taikai [3, p. 85]. Hipertrofuotà, vienaðaliðkà valstybës reakcijà á terorizmà daugelis tyrinëtojø ðiandien laiko neleistina, prieðinga tarptautinei teisei, kurstanèia tarptautinius konfliktus, formuojanèia tarptautinës teisës ir apskritai teisës nihilizmà, suprieðinanèia tarptautinæ bendrijà (Prancûzijos ir Vokietijos prieðinimasis JAV ir Anglijos vykdytai agresijai Irako atþvilgiu). Kovojant ne su terorizmu, ne su jo prieþastimis, o su teroristais, pastarieji neatsitiktinai nëra klasifikuojami pagal jø veiksmø motyvus, jø atþvilgiu nediferencijuojamos kovos priemonës, o visø asmenø, taikanèiø teroristinius metodus, taip pat ir tø, kuriø motyvai palaikomi tarptautinës teisës, atþvilgiu pripaþástamos tik prievartos priemonës. Þinoma, kovoti su teroristais lengviau negu su terorizmu, nes tada nereikia gilintis á ðio reiðkinio prieþastis, kurias atskleidus gali paaiðkëti bûtinybë atitinkamai keistis ne tik teroristams, bet ir kovotojams su teroristais. Turintysis jëgos persvarà, kaip sakyta, visada labiau linkæs keisti kitus negu 13