FEAR AND MY COMMUNITY: WHAT DOES MY SKIN COLOR HAVE TO DO WITH IT?

Transcription

1 FEAR AND MY COMMUNITY: WHAT DOES MY SKIN COLOR HAVE TO DO WITH IT? The Effect of the Perception of Community on Fear of Crime and Perception of Violence by Race By MEAGHANN ROWENA JONES, M.A. A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SOCIOLOGY Washington State University Department of Sociology December 2011 i

2 To the Faculty of Washington State University: The members of the Committee appointed to examine the thesis of MEAGHANN ROWENA JONES find it satisfactory and recommend that it be accepted. Jennifer Schwartz, Ph.D, Chair Don Dillman, Ph.D Lisa McIntyre, Ph.D Christine Oakley, Ph. D ii

3 Fear and my community: What does my skin color have to do with it? The Effect of the Perception of Community on Fear of Crime and Perception of Violence by Race Abstract by Meaghann Rowena Jones Washington State University December 2011 Chair: Jennifer Schwartz The fear of crime literature in urban areas includes four models: the indirect victimization model, the model of instabilities, the sub-cultural diversity model, and the community concern model. These models are similar to processes described in other bodies of literature; the comparability between the models allows for the application of criminology and community theories to the models for the fear of crime. The hypotheses for this paper include concepts from multiple theoretical bodies and attempt to discover variations on the effect the perception of community qualities and demographic variables have on an individual s fear of crime and perception of violence, based on that individual s race. The Project for Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN) provided the data that will be used for this analysis. The first regression model in this project does not separate the sample population according to their race and provides a basis for comparison to the regression models that are racially disaggregated. The racially disaggregated regression models showed that some of an individual s perceptions of his social environment are relevant to fear of crime and perceptions of violence across all racial iii

4 groups. Social cohesion and an individual s participation in local organizations and clubs had a similar effect on fear of crime and perception of violence for all races. On other points in the regression models the effects of the variables digress. Fear of crime is affected by the variables regarding the perception of community that measure socialization quality; perceptions of the social environment act differently on the perception of violence and the fear of crime, controlling for the perception of violence, across racial groups. The perceptions of a neighborhood s social environment identified which types of social interaction are the most beneficial to the reduction of fear of crime and perception of violence for each race. As well as the individual respondent s race, the racial balance in each resident s neighborhood had an effect on their fear of crime and perception of violence. If an urban area has the goal of reducing its citizen s assessment of crime and violence, the race of their population must be considered. iv

5 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT iii-iv LIST OF TABLES..vi LIST OF MODELS.vii SECTION 1. INTRODUCTION FEAR OF CRIME 5 a. Indirect Victimization...7 b. Incivilities.11 c. Sub-Cultural Diversity.14 d. Community Concern 20 e. Race, Community, and Fear of Crime DATA AND METHODS RESULTS CONCLUSION 49 BIBLIOGRAPHY 61 APPENDIX..64 v

6 LIST OF TABLES 1. Relationship Expectations by Fear of Crime Model Descriptive Statistics, All Variables Descriptive Statistics by the Race of the Respondent Independent and Dependent Variable Correlation Matrix Tolerance and VIF Statistics for Predictor Variables Determinants of the Perception of Violence, the Fear of Crime, and the Fear of Crime controlling for the Perception of Violence Determinants of the Fear of Crime by Race (OLS Regression) Determinants of the Fear of Crime controlling for the Perception of Violence (OLS Regression) Determinants of the Perception of Violence by Race (OLS Regression) Hypothesis Results based on Regression Analysis Aggregated Variable Description vi

7 LIST OF MODELS 1. Fear of Crime Feedback Loop.6 2. Fear of Crime Process Indirect Victimization, Fear of Crime Indirect Victimization Process Incivilities, Fear of Crime Incivilities Process Sub-Cultural Diversity, Fear of Crime Sub-Cultural Diversity Process Community Concern, Fear of Crime Community Concern Process...22 vii

8 Introduction Experiencing fear of crime as a resident in an urban area is a common feeling and one that is experienced by an increasing number of people as the numbers and sizes of urban areas expand (Miethe 1995). For some residents it is an accepted part of the urban lifestyle, but for academics the situation creates a number of questions. Which individual demographic and social factors are capable of mitigating an individual s fear of crime? Newly available community data allowed the possibility of formulating an answer to that question. The identification of social and environmental community characteristics that mitigate fear of crime in previous research provides a foundation for the current inquiry. Previous research has identified the physical appearance of a community as a factor that effects fear of crime. Improving the neighborhood physical environment reduces fear of crime for residents within that community. Area deterioration, in both the physical environment and social environment, influences the people who live there and their lifestyles, particularly their attitudes and social habits. The resulting population and environment can either enhance or mitigate a person s fear of crime. The physical deterioration of an area, assessed from a disorganized appearance and a decline in property values, and fears of crime, which are a catalyst for social change, echo and amplify one another, initiating what can fittingly be called a neighborhood spiral of decline (Taylor 1995). It is difficult to identify whether the environment s physical deterioration or reduced amounts of social interaction and cohesion between residents is the cause of the initial neighborhood decline. Physical deterioration and social deterioration may have a reciprocal effect in this situation. The objective of this paper is to explore hypotheses concerning an individual s fear of crime and its relationship with an individual s assessment of their social 1

9 environment by using one dataset that has information on variables measuring perceptions of community, demographic characteristics of the sample, and variables measuring fear of crime. Considering the effect of an individual s race on the relationship between their perception of their social environment and their fear of crime advances the research on fear of crime and is needed because of the lack of disaggregated racial information in the literature on fear of crime and community. The research referring to specific races and fear of crime is not plentiful, but as cities continue urbanizing and populations in neighborhoods become more diverse, research on the differences between races will be more important. Understanding the culture of people who are geographically or socially proximate is beneficial to everyone in that environment. The data collected for the Project for Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN) provides the opportunity to compare an individual s fear of crime in their social environment by the race of that individual. Chicago is an ideal area for testing sociological hypotheses because of the large diversity and high density of the population. The diversity of the population and the relatively contained geographic area provide an opportunity to study social interaction and relationships between people of different races and ethnicities in an established community environment. Chicago has historically been a community of interest in sociological fields and the frequent data collection provides ample data for comparison in many cases. The PHDCN data is an assessment of individuals in the context of their neighborhoods of residence. For the purposes of this study, the individual neighborhood resident is the unit of interest; the community of residence is only important to the consideration of the individual s perception of their social environment and the effect that those perceptions have on their fear of crime. 2

10 This paper differs from most research in the literature on fear of crime because this study focuses on race and the difference that it may make to fear of crime in a certain social environment. Previous research and information on fear of crime pertaining to the effects of a specific race, particularly the Hispanic race and other minorities, is rarer than research on the fear of crime and environment, although it does exist. Fear of crime research pertaining to racial minorities, especially Hispanic people, is mostly concerned with how minority status in a physical environment affects fear of crime (Eitle and Taylor 2008; Schafer et al 2006; Covington and Taylor 1991). When race is considered as a factor in fear of crime research, the Black and White racial groups are studied often, and researchers often end up excluding minorities or grouping them into a large other category. The race of an individual is relevant to many of a person s roles in society. It should be considered as an important aspect of fear of crime instead of remaining on the periphery. One of the common peripheral uses is to include race in the measurement of other causal variables to an individual s fear of crime. The proportion of the area population that is Black is often used as a component in the calculation of that area s disadvantage; a high level of disadvantage in a neighborhood increases the level of fear perceived by all of the residents in that neighborhood (Taylor, Gottfredson, and Bower 1984). The percentage of the population that is classically labeled as a minority (Black, Hispanic, Indian, Native American, Asian, etc.) and the impact the minority population might have on the socioeconomic index of the area are not assessed in this study. The focus is instead on how individuals of various races perceive their social environment and how it affects fear of crime. Respondents were sorted into one of three racial groups based on their survey responses: Black, White, or Hispanic. 3

11 While the percentage of the Black residents in the neighborhood is not used in this study, the ratio of the races in the neighborhood is. Each respondent of the survey was designated as either a numerical racial minority or a majority according to the race of the other respondents in that neighborhood. This division allows for the discovery of how a person s status as either a numerical minority or majority race affects their fear of crime. The identification of the numerical majority maintains the connection to the environment that the individual either fears crime in or perceives violence. The conclusions reached in this paper, whether or not they are supportive of the hypotheses in question, are important. They can provide information about neighborhood social interaction, community outreach and involvement, and the effectiveness of the amount of resources that are currently expended in an area for population behavior control and adequate social services. Could neighborhood organizations created by the residents for protective and social reasons effectively mitigate fear of crime and enhance social relationships? This research will allow conclusions to be drawn about the effectiveness of already existing social programs. Increased understanding of the effectiveness of activities and social networks in mitigating fear of crime is beneficial to the people in a neighborhood, especially when the information is in reference to their own neighborhood. Otherwise, the importance of this paper lies in the extension of the knowledge on the relationship between an individual s race, his fear of crime, and his community. There is not a consistently applicable explanation for an individual s fear of crime that is based on their race and considers the social environment that individual lives in. This paper enhances current literature on fear of crime for the Black and White populations and provides needed information on fear of crime in the Hispanic population. The latter racial category is of particular importance 4

12 because of the rapidly growing Hispanic population in the United States. This research will reveal differences between the races in fear of crime and the descriptive statistics for each variable by race. The multivariate regression models that assess the relationship between fear of crime and the determining variables display the effectiveness of those variables on fear of crime for each race. Neither of these areas has received enough academic attention considering the emphasis society places on race and the growth of urban areas and, consequently, fear of crime. Fear of Crime The later decades of the twentieth century and the early decades of the twenty-first century have seen an increased amount of investigation into fear of crime. Two of the main concerns of this body of literature are Why are people afraid of crime? and What outside factors exacerbate or mitigate fear of crime? A basic model for the pattern and consequences of fear of crime in a community is cyclical and includes several stages (Liska and Warner 1991). The first step in the model is the occurrence of a deviant, or criminal, act. That act results in a fearful reaction from the individual community members, which then constrains their social interaction with each other. Decreased interaction has the effect of decreasing neighborhood solidarity and social cohesiveness; in turn, the decrease in social cohesiveness in the community is a predictor for the perpetration of criminal and deviant acts. The cycle then recurs (Hipp 2010; Liska and Warner 1991). 5

13 The occurence of a criminal act Behavioral boundaries and informal controls weaken Negative impact on social interaction Decreased social cohesiveness in the area Constrained social interaction Model 1: Fear of Crime Feedback Loop process. Model 2, displayed below, is an illustration of the feedback loop as a fear of crime Fear of crime + Decreased social + More crime and + interaction and social deviance cohesiveness Increased fear of crime Model 2: Fear of Crime Process This model posits that fear of crime restricts and constrains rather than intensifies social interaction in the community, thereby decreasing social solidarity and cohesiveness (Liska and Warner 1991; 1444). This is a process that takes place over an extended period of time; it is not the goal in this paper to investigate the complete long-term cyclical theory of the fear of crime. The data available in the PHDCN is not longitudinal and therefore cannot be used for over-time 6

14 comparisons, which are necessary to investigate a cyclical process. The four fear of crime models used in this paper are assessed using cross-sectional data instead. The parts of the fear of crime cycle that is of relevance for this research are the effects of lower neighborhood interaction, neighborhood social cohesiveness, and informal social controls on fear of crime. The above models (1 and 2) demonstrate the negative trend that can take place in a neighborhood but the cycle can occur in a positive way as well. Residing in a neighborhood wherein the residents experience high levels of informal social controls, multiple quality social interactions, and strong social cohesiveness would reduce the individual fear of crime due to an absence of deviant acts. There are four iterations for the model of fear of crime, each focusing on a different facet of community interaction. These models are the indirect victimization model, the model of incivilities, the sub-cultural diversity model, and the community concern model (Covington and Taylor 1991). All four of these theoretical models examine the interaction between fear of crime and the contextual development of the social environment or deviant event of interest; they also tie the theories about fear of crime to earlier theories in the fields of criminology, community, and race relations. Indirect Victimization The theory of indirect victimization describes the existence of a network of social ties between residents and neighbors. This network enables social contact between the victims of crimes and the other community residents, enabling the dissemination of personal stories of victimization throughout the neighborhood population. The social ties that compose the indirect 7

15 victimization model are comparable to the social ties that exist in the systemic crime theory in criminology literature (Burchfield 2009). The systemic crime theory assumes the presence of a full network of social communication and interaction between friends, family, and acquaintances that operates in a manner that supports the creation and reinforcement of informal group controls (Bellair 2000; Sampson and Wilson n.d.; Burchfield 2009). Social systemic networks can either be models of social disorganization or of social organization because of the creation of different kinds of social ties and the effect that those formal and informal ties have on social interaction (Sampson and Groves 1989). Developing social ties enables the creation of social norms unique to that social network and encourages social cohesiveness among its members. Increased social cohesiveness is a characteristic of communities that demonstrate a higher rate of social efficacy and involvement, which are predictors of a decrease in criminal activity; criminal activity is a precursor to the fear of crime in the theoretical model and would, if committed, inspire an increase in the fear of crime (Morenoff, Sampson, and Raudenbush 2001). The other area of sociology that contributes to the indirect victimization model of fear of crime is associated with the structure of community in community literature. Granovettar s theory of social ties is demonstrative of how acts of indirect victimization can occur (Wilkinson 1991). Frequent encounters between people enable the development of strong social ties, characterized by an intimate and close feeling between individuals, and increase the probability of shared knowledge of victimization. Weak ties are created through infrequent and generally unimportant interaction between acquaintances; however, communication of events is just as likely to occur across social weak ties as well as strong ties, enabling individual stories of victimization to spread. When Granovettar s social ties theory is applied to a crime perspective, 8

16 it resembles the systemic crime theory. The idea of a social network of ties is representative of the systemic crime theory, the model of indirect victimization, and the strength of communication as a product of social interaction. The effects that social ties have on crime vary according to the criminal act and the identity of the perpetrator. An example of the effect that social ties have on crime was provided by Bellair (1997). Quality social interaction between neighbors that occurs at least once each year has a significant negative effect on the criminal acts of burglary, auto theft, and robbery, but only when those criminal acts are performed by people who are unknown to the victim. With quality interaction once per year the likelihood of being assaulted by a stranger is also reduced. However, social ties do not have an effect on robbery, assault, and auto theft when they are perpetrated by a person who is known to the victim. The presence of social ties reduces the likelihood that a neighborhood resident will be victimized by outside individuals. Quality social ties and social bonds between neighborhood individuals reduce the overall probability of victimization, especially by unknown/non-local individuals, but increase the probability of exposure to stories of victimization. The indirect victimization model is supported by the theorized proposition that an individual s fear of crime is not limited to personal safety; an individual is capable of being fearful of the effect that a crime has on their neighbors and relations or on the social network as a whole (Taylor et al 1984). Fear for friends, relatives, and the preservation of the current social environment increases the level of individually assessed fear of crime. The media is particularly effective in increasing individual levels of fear through the graphic coverage and frequent accounts of criminal acts (Walklate 1998; Perkins and Taylor 1996). The effect of indirect victimization is much stronger when there are high quality bonds and a stable social network 9

17 between residents. The indirect victimization model of disseminated fear is the most representative of the basic cyclical model for the theory of fear of crime described by Liska and Warner (1991) because the effect of indirect victimization is similarly demonstrated by a circular process: for example, the knowledge of an act of robbery, the act that instills the most fear of crime in an individual because it is both an anonymous attack and a personal intrusion, spreads through a social network and inspires a fear of crime in other individuals. In this model, the crimes that become more probable because of social withdrawal, such as rape, assault, and larceny, can be considered as a consequence of the fear of crime. Person 4 Person 1 Original Crime Victim Person 3 Person 2 The ties between people represent communication, particularly of criminal incidents. The four outside people will, in turn, reiterate the information to others. Populations at a sociodemographic disadvantage, such as the elderly and female populations, are vulnerable to the fear of victimization more so than those who are not. Model 3: Indirect Victimization, fear of crime Social Ties + Social Cohesion, Capital, and Control + - Fear of Crime Model 4: Indirect Victimization Process 10

18 The social networks that make the indirect victimization model possible have the amplified effect described above on fear of crime when they are considered independently of other community social variables. More recent data collection has allowed for the inclusion of more variables of community measurement into analyses of this subject. With the inclusion of community measures other than the number of times interaction occurs, such as informal social control and social capital, it was shown that positive community measures in social networks have a negative relationship with the acts of physical and violent crime (Bellair 2007; 1997). Following the basic fear of crime model, a community characterized by high levels of cohesion, informal controls, and social capital will not be subject to an increase of fear and consequent social withdrawal because the criminal action that precipitates the cyclical process does not get committed (Liska and Warner 1991). Consistency or growth in the interaction between residents and the cohesiveness of bonds between neighborhood individuals is expected to have a consistent depressing effect on fear of crime. Incivilities The second theoretical model, the model of incivilities, describes the relationship between the presence of social and environmental instabilities and fear of crime (Covington and Taylor 1991). The presence of both a discouraging and disadvantaged physical environment and high instability in the social bonds between residents has a positive effect on fear of crime (Perkins and Taylor 1996). The consequences of this phenomenon, called neighborhood decline, encompass a wide range of behavioral, social, psychological, social psychological and 11

19 economic consequences for a neighborhood (Taylor 1995; 29). An increase in the amount of an individual s fear of crime is one of the expected consequences. The corresponding criminological theory to the incivilities model of fear of crime is social disorganization theory, developed by Shaw and McKay (1942) from their observations of the city of Chicago in the twentieth century. The specific identifiers for social disorganization in this theory include ethnic heterogeneity, low economic status, and high residential mobility. Chicago was the area that was chosen for Shaw and McKay s (1942) information collection because preliminary research had demonstrated a stable relatively high crime rate, despite a continuously revolving population of migrants and immigrants, in the neighborhoods that they were interested in. Further research on social disorganization in Chicago neighborhoods supported the idea that crime rates were partially dependent on the volume of physical and social disorganization present. An environment with high levels of transience encourages the normalization of delinquent behavior by juvenile residents because of a lack of informal social controls and stability. Actual testing of the social disorganization theory was not performed until the late twentieth century by Sampson and Groves (1989). They found that ethnic heterogeneity, low socioeconomic status, high residential mobility, and disruptions in family composition and stability cause a decrease in the effectiveness of neighborhood informal social controls and preclude a rise in the rate of crime and delinquency. The amount of fear of crime that neighborhood residents possess can be considered independently of actual criminal acts and officially filed reports (Schafer, Huebner, and Bynum 2006; Skogan 1995). It is the amount of perceived social and physical disorder, including the appearance of untended properties and evidence of vandalism, which is relevant to the existence and level of fear of crime (Schafer et al 12

20 2006; Wilson and Kelling 1982). Either clear evidence or a suspicion of social disorganization generates a fear of crime, a development which erodes the social bonds present in a community; the erosion of social bonds has a negative effect on social disorganization and a positive effect on fear of crime (Taylor 1995). This cycle of events is self-perpetuating and disadvantaging (Schafer et al 2006). The perception of violence Public drug use and alcohol consumption Elevated fear of crime Public and individual property deterioration The fear of crime is increased by actual evidence, or the perception of evidence, of the physical environment s deterioration and social interaction deterioration. Increased social friction between neighborhood residents Model 5: Incivilities, Fear of crime Evidence of Environmental Deterioration - + Social Cohesion Neighborhood Ties Social Capital Social Control Perception of Violence + + Fear of Crime Model 6: Incivilities Process 13

21 Sub-cultural Diversity This theoretical model attributes the development of a fear of crime to a high level of neighborhood diversity, similar to the ethnic heterogeneity outlined in social disorganization theory (Covington and Taylor 1991). The level of neighborhood diversity and fear of crime are positively related. The effect of elevated diversity in a neighborhood on fear of crime is strongest for the minority group residents: the elderly population, racial and ethnic minorities, numerical racial and ethnic minorities, residents with a low income and a limited amount of education, females, and residents who are not in a current romantic relationship are those who are the most affected (Schafer et al 2006; Taylor et al 1984). A person will experience feelings of isolation when they are a member of a visibly different minority in a neighborhood. Race can therefore affect the measurement of fear of crime in two ways: the first is in the level of diversity in the environment and the second is in the race of the respondent. These two assessments of the relationship between race and fear of crime can be made independently of each other. Different behaviors, traditions, and physical appearance inspire an increase of the fear of crime in the minority resident. Model 7: Sub-Cultural Diversity, fear of crime 14

22 Racial and Cultural Diversity + Fear of Crime Model 8: Sub-Cultural Diversity Process The sub-cultural model can be encapsulated into the vulnerability hypothesis, which is a more exact idea of the relationship between neighborhood diversity and an individual s fear of crime (Eitle and Taylor 2008). The vulnerability hypothesis emphasizes the dependence that an individual s fear of crime has on that individual s personal characteristics and behaviors. An individual who is observing or participating in the residential dynamics of a community from a perspective that emphasizes any present social or physical conflict and disorganization feels more vulnerable as a prospective victim of criminal acts (Covington and Taylor 1991). Diversity includes the diversity of sex. Females, as compared to males, are the minority. While they may not be the numerical minority in their neighborhood, females are a minority in society in general and are socially conscious of that fact. Women are a minority population that is specifically targeted and described as vulnerable (Perkins and Taylor 1996). The emphasis that is placed on female vulnerability is both a cultural development and a product of a commercial industry that produces and extensively markets self-defense products targeted towards female consumers (Stanko 1995). Sex has an effect that is independent of, but can interact with, racial diversity. Females experience a higher fear of crime in their neighborhood regardless of their race (Schafer et al 2006, Taylor et al 1984). The effect of a high diversity residential environment on an individual s fear of crime is variable according to the race of the individual in question. White people who live in close proximity to a Black population are fearful of crime; however, in a majority White 15

23 neighborhood, a minority Black person who has at least one close White friend experiences an opposite effect (Mears and Stewart 2010). The existence of one White friend to a Black minority resident reduces their fear of crime. This indicates that there is more than one level in the development of fear of crime for individuals of each race; the race of people in proximity to an individual affects fear of crime and an individual s own race can cause a shift in their fear of crime, negative or positive. The importance that the race of the study sample population has is evident in the established fields of criminology and community literature. In addition to being regularly included as an individual demographic descriptive variable to assess respondent minority status, race is considered in another level of measurement that affects how certain races are treated in residential neighborhoods. Similar to the incivilities model for the fear of crime, the racial composition of a neighborhood is commonly used as an assessment of that neighborhood s disadvantage. Earlier literature supports the idea that neighborhoods that experience higher levels of disadvantage, a measurement tied to minorities, are more likely to experience physical deterioration and the residents are more likely to develop problem-related behaviors, fragmenting existing social consensus (Sampson et al 2002). In those studies, the rate of disadvantage was often elevated by the inclusion of the Black neighborhood population in the measurement, creating the idea that Black people suffer from and are associated with high rates of disadvantage. The inclusion of the percentage of the neighborhood population that is Black in the measure of area disadvantage is often practiced in crime research. This practice was also utilized in studies about fear of crime rather than analyzing the occurrence of specific criminal actions. 16

24 In Liska and Warner s (1991) article, they included the percentage of the neighborhood s population that was non-white as an exogenous variable that caused an increase in fear of crime. All racial minority residents, not just Black people, were subject to inclusion in that calculation. The results demonstrated that White people who live in close proximity to a minority population have a higher fear of crime; inversely, another study found that Blacks who live as a minority in a predominately White residential area have a higher fear of crime than comparable White populations (Mears and Stewart 2010). The relationship between fear of crime and the individual and area effects of race is not well known. Even when it is not included in the measurement of disadvantage, race can still be a predictor of fear of crime on an individual level. Black people in the United States demonstrate a consistently higher rate of disadvantage over White people (Crowder and South 2005; Sampson and Bean 2005; Sampson and Wilson n.d.). On average, people who are Black have lower educational attainment, lower socioeconomic status, and increased punitive contact with the criminal justice system. This is documented in information on their final destinations during earlier migration periods in history (Crowder and South 2005). Black people were more likely to settle in crowded urban areas that were already affected by a level of disadvantage, a characteristic which is associated with high fear of crime; that pattern of residential settlement has continued today (White et al 2005; Crowder and South 2005). In addition to residential settlement disadvantages, Black people are significantly more likely than White people are to experience incarceration in their lifetime, further increasing their disadvantage by a loss in profitable jobs, income, and disruption of social bonds (Quillian and Pager 2001; Pettit and Western 2004; Kubrin and Weitzer 2003; Western 2002). The measure of a Black individual s fear of crime is influenced on both levels: micro and macro. The differences that occur in the lifestyles and life course between the Black population 17

25 and the White population have received the most attention; differences between other racial groups have not been investigated as thoroughly. Incoming migrants into a residential area are likely to be of the same race and ethnicity as those people who are already residing in the neighborhood, strengthening the historical and present residential division between races (Iceland 2009; Charles 2003). This pattern is also present in the settlement of the Hispanic population into neighborhoods (Gregory 1995). Segregation rates, although significantly reduced compared to past segregation statistics, have remained high despite the convergence of other aspects of racial inequality (Quillian and Pager 2001; Crowder and South 2005; Charles 2003). Despite the high segregation level, neighborhoods that consist of a completely White population have become increasingly rare as the presence of minorities became more tolerable to the dominant White group; the presence of one minority neighbor no longer inevitably precipitated the phenomena of white flight, or a voluntary evacuation of the White people that live in that neighborhood (Iceland 2009; Wilson and Taub 2006). The tolerance of minorities that leads to the possibility of more racially and ethnically diverse neighborhoods comes at a price; as embodied in the sub-cultural diversity model and demonstrated by multiple studies, the minority population of a neighborhood experiences a higher fear from crime due to their exposure to numerous differences in the neighborhood population (Mears and Stewart 2010; Eitle and Taylor 2008). The vulnerability hypothesis, although most frequently applied to the Black and White races, is applicable to the individuals of the Hispanic race as well (Eitle and Taylor 2008). An increased fear of criminal activity in a Hispanic population is likely to be a result of a neighborhood s demographic conditions and the population s perception of the frequency and severity of victimization. When the Hispanic population is a minority they are more likely to 18

26 fear crime and feel that the probability of personal victimization is higher, thus lowering the probability of resident social interaction. The data in the study that drew these conclusions, performed by Eitle and Taylor (2008), was collected from Miami-Dade County in southern Florida. The study divided the sample into ethnicities and the results isolated Cubans from the rest of the Hispanic cultural groups. Cubans are expected to demonstrate the strongest negative social reaction to fear of crime; in this situation, the different expectations for Cuban behavior are hypothesized to be a product of the location of the Cuban community in Miami. They are a prominent population, partially due to political issues, and subject to prejudice and discrimination by other Miami residents. Whether or not the social environment is hostile or hospitable has an effect on the measurement of a separate population s fear of crime. This also emphasizes the cultural element of the vulnerability hypothesis; the physical differences between Cubans and other Hispanic populations are not blatantly obvious in most cases so any prejudice or discrimination may have another predicting factor. The expected negative social reaction to diversity demonstrates a cultural and environmental interaction with fear of crime. The applicability of the sub-cultural diversity model of fear of crime is aptly illustrated through the observation of an urban housing project. The population in this diverse neighborhood consisted of White, Black, Hispanic, and Asian individuals and families (Skogan 1995). A deficit of informal social controls was observed and stereotypes, particularly negative Black stereotypes, were employed in the commonplace communication and interaction between residents (Skogan 1995; Quillian and Pager 1991). 19

27 Community Concern Elevated amounts of fear are associated with the disintegration of the perception of the community, particularly the immaterial social community (Covington and Taylor 1991). Early community scholars identified urbanization as a cause of the deterioration of the importance of neighborhoods, or communities, and a lesser amount of association and activity with local social organizations and other residents; this was found independently of research performed in the criminological field (Wirth 2005). Increasing understanding of the causes of community deterioration and the consequences thereof allows for a more complete understanding of fear of crime; the physical and social deterioration of a community provides a suitable area to distinguish what variables impact the level of fear of crime. It is first important to note that scholars regarded the process of urbanization as a transformation that irrevocably redefined what could be regarded as a community-urbanization did not obliterate the possibility of the existence of all neighborhood social communities (Reitzes and Reitzes 1992). The process of urbanization redefined the type of neighborhood that could be identified as a community. In particular, the contextual changes of society that were dictated by historical events and social transformation necessitated a closer look at the requirements needed to designate an area as a community in present day. The current favored model of community identification can be encompassed in the community concern model for fear of crime. Selznick identified seven elements that are conducive to the creation and existence of a community: historicity, identity, mutuality, plurality, autonomy, participation, and integration (Wolfe 1993). All of these elements are present as either a cause or an effect in the established literature on fear of crime. Historicity, mutuality, and participation are present to an extent in the measurements of social cohesiveness, degree of 20

28 involvement in local affairs, and neighborhood attachment, all of which are predictors of a reduction in fear of crime. Strong neighborhood attachment and the presence of shared norms and a common history inhibit fear of crime (Schafer et al 2006). A shared neighborhood identity encourages social cohesiveness in residents by creating and fostering a feeling of belonging and reducing fear of crime (Wolfe 1993). Community plurality and autonomy do not have a mitigating effect on fear of crime. These categories of behavior are instead causes of an increase in fear of crime. Plurality is demonstrated by acceptance and tolerance of minorities in community literature. The simple presence of a diverse population has already been demonstrated as a cause of an increase of fear in fear of crime literature (Covington and Taylor 1991). The presence of a diverse population escalates fear of crime for the minority factions of that population. Autonomy, the ability of a resident to make individual choices and maintain an existence and identity independent of the group, allows for a possible division between residents on a number of social issues, such as collective norms and shared beliefs and practices. Integration, however, encourages involvement and communication between groups and has a negative relationship with fear of crime. These elements of community are illustrated in fear of crime research by the frequent inclusion of certain variables into an analysis: measures of informal social controls, willingness to intervene in a neighbor s affairs, involvement in local organizations, and the amount and quality of interaction between residents. These variables are often used as an assessment of the level of community in an area because they are quantifiable. For instance, the number of neighborhood ties present between individuals in a community is easily quantified and is identified as a mitigating factor of fear of crime (Taylor et al 1984). 21

29 Lack of interaction and communication with neighbors Social norms are no longer communal and there is a lack or enforcement A lack of participation and interest in local organizations and clubs A reduction of relationships between neighborhood residents on a social level, reduced consensus and enforcement of norms, and the loss of interest in neighborhood organizations and clubs increase an individual resident s fear of crime. Increased fear of crime in the neighborhood Model 9: Community Concern, fear of crime Absence of Shared Norms No interest and participation in local organizations Fear of Crime Absence of Social Interaction Model 10: Community Concern Process The model of community concern posits that fear of crime is dependent on the amount of community concern and involvement present in the immediate community environment (Covington and Taylor 1991). Similarly, the model of sub-cultural diversity prescribed a high amount of an individual s fear of crime when the other neighborhood residents are racially and culturally diverse. The incivilities fear of crime model also theorizes an increase in the amount 22

30 that an individual fears crime ascribed to the deterioration of the physical and social environment. The model of community concern, the sub-cultural diversity model, and the incivilities model all emphasize the connection between social and environmental deterioration and an increase in the proximity of unknown and unfamiliar elements to the population. The result of the process in the indirect victimization model also results in an increase of fear of crime; however, the prescribed path is antithetic. While the other three models concentrate on the breakdown of social networks, the indirect victimization model is based on a strong communication network. Without the presence of a network of social ties, communication concerning the occurrence of criminal incidents would not occur and no one but the victim of the actual crime would experience an increase in their fear of crime but for media dissemination. Written and oral media networks re-enact and reinforce acts of crime as dangerous events that friends and acquaintances suffer frequently. Race, Community, and Fear of Crime Research into fear of crime is a relatively new area of criminological research and the findings for hypotheses focusing on the effect of an individual s perception of community on their fear of crime are still controversial. The outcomes of analyses often change according to the sample and the questions utilized during the gathering of information. In this instance it is best not to focus on one specific model of fear of crime because of the lack of consistent information and the exclusion of specific race effects from most past analyses. Testing all four of the models with the same data in the same paper provides the opportunity to assess which model is the most applicable to the situation, a process that is rarely done because most papers focus on one fear of crime model, excluding the other three from consideration. To address this, 23

31 the hypotheses in this paper are drawn from all four of the models of fear of crime. The directionality of fear of crime is displayed in Table 1, illustrating the expectations for each of the models. The effect of social ties on fear of crime will be considered from the indirect victimization model; based on this, the number of neighborhood ties will be related to fear of crime in a positive manner. Individuals that perceive high levels of quality community variables, such as social control and cohesiveness, will also perceive a lesser fear of crime (Wilson and Kelling 1982). With the testing of these models it will be possible to determine if the effectiveness of these social variables on one s fear of crime varies according to the race of the individual. The basic hypotheses for original fear of crime models are not racially specific. Most of the time the race of the individual should not make a difference to their perception of interaction in the social community; the differences in the results between races is expected to be present in the effect the perception of social community has on fear of crime and the perception of violence. From the perspective of the instabilities model, the individual s perception of a high amount of physical and social disorganization and decline will increase their fear of crime. The variable that is used to assess disadvantage is socioeconomic status. Previous literature leads to the expectation that the negative relationship between socioeconomic status and fear of crime should be consistent for Black people but there is not a consistent expectation of relationship direction for individuals of other races. Minority neighborhood residents are expected to experience an increase of their fear of crime level attributed to diversity. The race of the individual, Black, White, or Hispanic, should not matter. Individual race should not make a significant difference to the effect that numerical minority and majority racial status have on fear 24

32 of crime. The last model supports the idea that individuals that demonstrate elevated measures of community concern, including participation in local organizations, will be subject to a decrease in their fear of crime. Table 1: Relationship Expectations by Fear of Crime M odel Fear of Crime Perception of Violence Fear of Crime Perception of Violence Fear of Crime Perception of Violence Fear of Crime Perception of Violence Female n/a n/a n/a n/a + + n/a n/a Majority Racial Status n/a n/a n/a n/a - - n/a n/a Socioeconomic Status n/a n/a n/a n/a Social Control n/a n/a - - n/a n/a - - Social Capital n/a n/a - - Social Cohesion n/a n/a - - Neighborhood Ties n/a n/a - - Participates in Local Organizations Indirect Victimization Incivilities Sub-Cultural Diversity Community Concerns n/a n/a - - A difference is expected to be present in the amount of fear of crime that is experienced by the respondents in each racial group when the elements of community interaction that an individual experiences are taken into consideration. A relationship between community feelings and fear of crime has been consistently demonstrated, and in that matter, race has been commonly included as a measure of neighborhood disadvantage or, by minority geographical proximity, as a cause of fear of crime. Analyzing the relationship between the perception of community and the individual fear of crime for each racial category, while utilizing the neighborhood identifier as a clustering agent, provides the opportunity to increase the understanding and the literature about fear of crime. The following hypotheses represent the issue and the questions at hand: what effect does one s perception of their community have on 25

33 fear of crime? Does the effect of an individual s perception of their community environment on fear of crime vary according to race? 1. Black people will demonstrate a higher level of fear of crime and perception of violence than the White and Hispanic sample population. 2. Females and minority population neighborhood residents will experience a higher fear of crime and a higher perception of violence than males and numerical majorities. 3. Fear of crime is mitigated by social cohesion, social capital, and social control for all racial groups. 4. Social control, social cohesion, and social capital mitigate the perception of violence for individuals in all racial groups. 5. Neighborhood ties, when considered independently of social cohesion, social control, social capital, and participation in organizations, increase an individual s perception of violence in their neighborhood and fear of crime. 6. Participation in local organizations and clubs will mitigate fear of crime and perception of violence for all races. 7. The socioeconomic status of the individual will have a negative relationship with fear of crime and perception of violence for all races. Based on previous research done on fear of crime, it is possible to further speculate about the effectiveness of an individual s perception of their community environment on fear of crime and perception of violence within racial categories. An individual s positive perception of their community will be more effective at reducing fear of crime and perception of violence for the 26