Laryngeal Features and Sonorancy
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1 Laryngeal Features and Sonorancy Eva Zimmermann & Jochen Trommer Universität Leipzig, Institut für Linguistik WS 2010/2011 Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
2 The System of Clements & Hume Clements & Hume 1995 Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
3 The System of Clements & Hume Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
4 The System of Clements & Hume Formal connection between consonantal and vocalic place feature consonantal place [labial] relates to vocalic [round], e.g. Assimilation in Tulu (Kenstowicz 1994): accusative suffix is unrounded -ï unless it is preceded by a labial C or a round vowel, kaṭṭï bond but kappu blackness Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
5 The System of Clements & Hume Formal connection between consonantal and vocalic place feature similar interactions can be found between dorsal consonants and back vowels or coronal consonants and front vowels as in (1) where back vowels u/o become front vowels ø/y after coronal C (1) Agn (Armenian), Hall et al Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
6 The System of Clements & Hume C-place and V-place: same set of features (Clements 1991) the same sets of features for consonantal and vocalic place specifications (2) Place features Vowels [labial] round [dorsal] back [coronal] front Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
7 The System of Clements & Hume C-place and V-place: same set of features (Clements 1991) distinguished by their dominating node: C-pl and V-pl V-place dominated by C-place on another tier: spreading of vocalic place across an intervening C is possible captures the asymmetry that (full) spreading of V across C is possible but not vice versa (3) Coronal Fronting, e.g. Agn Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
8 The System of Clements & Hume C-place and V-place: same set of features (Clements 1991) V-place features on consonants: secondary articulation this predicts that a consonant with a secondary articulation will block spreading of this (secondary) feature between vowels: this seems to be the case (cf. Kenstowicz 1994) (4) Complex segment vs. secondary articulation Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
9 The System of Clements & Hume Place of articulation for vowels (Iverson 1982) the height feature for vowels are segregated from the place features: a seperate Aperture node evidence: vowel height may spread as single unit (Braz.Port) but: consonant voicing interacts with vocalic height/atr values as well and aperture features should not be restricted to vowels (Trigo 1991, Vaux 1996) (5) Vocalic place Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
10 The System of Clements & Hume Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
11 Oral Cavity The System of Clements & Hume cf. Supralaryngeal Node in McCarthy 1988 English intrusive stops: a stop intrudes between a nasal/lateral and a fricative, e.g. dense, false it is a hybrid segment that gets place and closure (oral cavity) from the preceding nasal/lateral and all other features from the following fricative Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
12 The System of Clements & Hume Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
13 Root Node The System of Clements & Hume cf. McCarthy 1988 (vocoid=converse of cons) sonority features are assigned directly to the root node since they never spread or delink as a class possible counter-evidence: Kaisse 1992 on vowel spreading in Turkish Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
14 The System of Clements & Hume Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
15 The System of Clements & Hume Laryngeal Features in Halle & Stevens 1971 [±spread glottis] [±constricted glottis] [±stiff vocal cords] [±slack vocal cords] Aspiration Glottalization stiff=voiced slack=voiceless Whereas some combinations, e.g. [+stiff, +slack] and [+constricted, +spread] are logically impossible Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
16 The System of Clements & Hume Laryngeal Specifications in Halle & Stevens 1971 [+cg] and a voiceless stop = ejective [+cg] and a voiced stop = implosive... Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
17 The System of Clements & Hume Laryngeal Features it has been noted, though, that phonological generalizations are restricted to the positively specified values [+c.g.], [+s.g.] and [+voice] e.g. neutralization processes typically replace aspirated/glottalized stops with the plain version (e.g. Klamath, Kenstowicz 1994) The laryngeal features might be privative rather than binary. Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
18 The System of Clements & Hume One Laryngeal Node one node dominates the laryngeal features, cf. McCarthy 1988 spreading processes may affect aspiration and voicing as one set Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
19 The System of Clements & Hume An Alternative concerning sonorancy and voicing The model in Avery & Rice (1989), Rice (1993) Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
20 The System of Avery & Rice The Intuition: major Class Segregation Sonorants share specific (manner) features among each other, but not with obstruents Obstruents share specific (laryngeal) features among each other, but not with sonorants Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
21 The Proposal (I) The System of Avery & Rice (True) Sonorants and (true) obstruents have different non-terminal nodes Obstruent Root Laryngeal Sonorant Root SonorantVoice Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
22 The Proposal (II) The System of Avery & Rice Obstruents have standard laryngeal features under the Laryngeal node Sonorants have sonorant manner features under the SonorantVoice node SonorantVoice Laryngeal nasal lateral LaryngealVoice SpreadGlottis Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
23 The Proposal (III) The System of Avery & Rice Root Laryngeal SV Voice Lateral (Nasal) Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
24 The System of Avery & Rice Evidence for Major Class Segregation I: Voicing Assimilation in Dutch Obstruents in e.g. Dutch, there is a three-way contrast between: sonorants voiced obstruents voiceless obstruents voiced and voiceless obstruents alternate, sonorants do not Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
25 The System of Avery & Rice Evidence for Major Class Segregation I: Voicing Assimilation in Dutch Obstruents Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
26 The System of Avery & Rice Evidence for Major Class Segregation II: Manner Assimilation in English Level 1 Phonology in English, there is a (full) sonorant-sonorant assimilation that ignores obstruents Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
27 The System of Avery & Rice Rice& Avery: Background Assumptions All features (terminal or non-terminal) are privative Many phonetic specifications are only inserted after phonology (e.g. nasals in many languages are phonologically underspecified sonorants) Syllable-final devoicing (delinking of laryngeal features) is universal Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
28 The System of Avery & Rice Background Assumptions on Spreading Spreading can occur only if a structural target is present A feature or node can spread only to an empty position Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
29 The System of Avery & Rice Voicing Assimilation in Dutch Obstruents: Analysis Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
30 The System of Avery & Rice Manner Assimilation in English Level 1 Phonology: Analysis Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
31 Language Type I The System of Avery & Rice True obstruents without laryngeal differentiation True sonorants 2way major-class system with no sonorant-obstruent interaction Obstruent Root Laryngeal Sonorant Root SonorantVoice Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
32 Language Type I The System of Avery & Rice True obstruents without laryngeal differentiation True sonorants 2way major-class system with no sonorant-obstruent interaction Obstruent Root Laryngeal Sonorant Root SonorantVoice Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
33 The System of Avery & Rice Language Type I: Ponapean Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
34 The System of Avery & Rice Language Type II (Dutch) True voiceless obstruents True voiced obstruents True Sonorants 3way major-class system with no sonorant-obstruent interaction Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
35 Language Type III The System of Avery & Rice Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
36 The System of Avery & Rice Language Type III: Sonorant-Obstruent Interaction in English Level II Phonology Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
37 A Problem The System of Avery & Rice Spreading of SonorantVoice in English should also affect [lateral] and [nasal] Avery & Rice: organizing nodes are copied, not spread Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
38 Literatur The System of Avery & Rice Clements, G. N. (1991), Place of articulation in consonants and vowels: a unified theory, in Working Papers of the Cornell Phonetics Laboratory, Vol. 5, Cornell University, Ithaca, pp Halle, Morris, Bert Vaux and Andrew Wolfe (2000), On feature spreading and the representation of place of articulation, Linguistic Inquiry 31, Halle, Morris and Kenneth Stevens (1971), A note on laryngeal features, Quarterly Progress Report 101, 198Ð213. Research Laboratory of Electronics, MIT. Iverson, Gregory K. (1983), On glottal width features, Lingua 60, Kaisse, Ellen M. (1992), Can [consonantal] spread?, Language 68(2), Kenstowicz, Michael (1994), Phonology in generative grammar, Cambridge MA: Blackwell. Trigo, L. (1991), On pharynx-larynx interactions, Phonology 8, Vaux, Bert (1996), The status of ATR in feature geometry, Linguistic Inquiry 27, Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig) Laryngeal Features WS 2010/ / 38
LIST OF FIGURES. viii
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