Evidence suggests that people from various cultures. Culture and Diverging Views of Social Events

10.1177/0146167204272166 PERSONALITY Chua et al. / CULTURE AND SOCIAL AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY EVENTS BULLETIN Culture and Diverging Views of Social Events Hannah Faye Chua Janxin Leu Richard E. Nisbett University of Michigan The authors compared East Asians and Americans views of everyday social events. Research suggests that Americans tend to focus more on the self and to have a greater sense of personal agency than East Asians. The authors assessed whether, compared to East Asians, Americans emphasize main characters even when events do not involve the self and whether they see more agency or intentionality in actions, even when the actions are not their own. Whether East Asians would observe more emotions in everyday scenarios than would Americans also was investigated. In Study 1, Chinese and Americans read alleged diary entries of another person. Americans did focus more on main characters and on characters intentionality. Study 2 replicated these results comparing Taiwanese and Americans on free recall of events concerning the self and of narratives and videos concerning others. Study 2 also found that Taiwanese made more comments about the emotional states of characters. Keywords: culture; cognition; agency; emotion; egocentric bias; intentionality Evidence suggests that people from various cultures attend to the world differently. Specifically, Asians, particularly East Asian Chinese, Koreans, and Japanese, are inclined to focus more on context, whereas Westerners, including North Americans, pay more attention to focal objects and their attributes (Nisbett, 2003; Nisbett, Peng, Choi, & Norenzayan, 2001). These claims hold for physical object stimuli (Ji, Peng, & Nisbett, 2000; Kitayama, Duffy, Kawamura, & Larsen, 2003; Masuda & Nisbett, 2004), for animated cartoons of underwater scenes (Masuda & Nisbett, 2001), for cartoon picture faces (Masuda, Ellsworth, Mesquita, Leu, & van de Veerdonk, 2004), and for personally relevant memories (Cohen & Gunz, 2002; Han, Leichtman, & Wang, 1998). It is not known, however, whether the generalization applies also to an understanding of social behavior in general. That is, do Westerners see the normal social behaviors of everyday life as consisting of main characters whether themselves or others acting against a background of other people? And do Asians see normal social events more as interactions among several participants? A second set of questions concerns perceived agency or intentionality. There is substantial evidence that Americans believe themselves to have more control over events than is actually the case (e.g., Langer, 1975). Do Americans see themselves as having more intentionality or agency, that is, attempted and achieved control over their actions, than do Asians? Also, do Americans perceive more intentionality and agency even when the events do not involve themselves? Finally, some evidence suggests that East Asians are more attuned to emotions than are Americans (Azuma, 2001; Masuda & Nisbett, 2001). The present research examines whether this is true of emotions for events involving the self as well as whether it is traue of emotions of others for events not involving the self. All three issues perception of object (main character) versus context, perceived intentionality, and concern with emotion are related to the nature of Asian versus Western society. Authors Note: We would like to acknowledge the continuing support of the Culture and Cognition Program at the University of Michigan. This research was supported by the American Association of University Women to Hannah Faye Chua, and by National Science Foundation Grants SBR 9729103 and BCS0132074, National Institute of Aging Grant R01-AG15047, and fellowships from the Russell Sage Foundation and the John Simon Guggenheim Foundation to Richard E. Nisbett. The National Science Foundation (NSF) does not endorse any of the statements or findings presented herein. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Hannah Faye Chua, Department of Psychology, University of Michigan, 525 East University, Ann Arbor, MI 48109-1109; e-mail: hchua@umich.edu. PSPB, Vol. 31 No. 7, July 2005 925-934 DOI: 10.1177/0146167204272166 2005 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc. 925

926 PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY BULLETIN CULTURAL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN ASIANS AND WESTERNERS The ways in which East Asian and Western societies are organized imply that Easterners would give more importance to social contexts but that Westerners would tend to focus more on the individual. In collectivistic cultures such as East Asia, interdependence and an orientation toward other people are emphasized. East Asians engage in multiple, complex, role-defined relations with other individuals, with extended family, village, and with representatives of the state. In contrast, in individualistic cultures such as North America, independence and autonomy are stressed. Americans live in a society with less complex and role-governed social relations (Hsu, 1981; Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Triandis, 1989). Socialization differences between independent and interdependent cultures begin early. Western babies often sleep in a different room from their parents. This practice, however, is quite rare in Asian parenting. Adults from several generations often surround the Chinese baby, and the Japanese baby is nearly always with its mother. When American mothers play with their children, they also tend to direct their babies attention to objects and their attributes ( see the truck, it has nice wheels ). Japanese mothers, on the contrary, emphasize feelings and relationships ( when you throw your truck, the wall says, ouch ) (Bornstein, Toda, Azuma, Tamis- LeMonda, & Ogino, 1990; Fernald & Morikawa, 1993). Such socialization differences can contribute to how East Asians and Americans perceive both social behavior and the physical world. As Markus and Kitayama (1991) stated, if one perceives oneself as embedded within a larger context of which one is an interdependent part, it is likely that other objects or events will be perceived in a similar way (p. 246). MAIN CHARACTER FOCUS East Asians have been shown to be relatively less selffocused than Americans. In a study involving American, Korean, and Chinese children, Han et al. (1998) asked 4- and 6-year-olds to report about daily events, such as the things they did at bedtime last night or how they spent their last birthday. They observed that whereas all children made more references to self than to others, the proportion of self-references was much greater for American than for East Asian children. Also, American children s narratives contained twice as many references to internal states, such as evaluations and preferences, than was the case for East Asian children. This tendency of North American children to focus on the self appears to be true for adults too. Using a different measure, namely, perspective on personal events, Cohen and Gunz (2002) found that Eastern participants were more likely than Westerners to recall events from a third-person (as opposed to first-person) point of view. This indicates that among Asians, the self is not necessarily as salient, even if one is at the center of the scene. An important question arises regarding North Americans tendency to focus on the self. Is this a form of egocentric bias or does it represent a broader emphasis on main characters even for events not involving the self? Past research does not reveal whether North Americans and East Asians would differ in their focus on main characters versus other characters for social events not involving themselves. The first goal of this article then was to address this issue. If Americans tended to focus more on the self for personal events but not on main characters for events involving other people, then this would suggest that Americans tendency to focus on the self could be a form of egocentric bias. Alternatively, it is possible that people from cultures that emphasize autonomy and independence, such as Americans, would focus relatively more on main characters, whether themselves or others. In contrast, for cultures that emphasize interdependence, people might focus relatively less on main characters for social events, whether the main character is the self or another person. INTENTIONALITY Compared to people from Eastern societies, Westerners would be expected not only to place greater emphasis on main characters but also to direct their focus toward issues of intentionality in understanding social behaviors. Intentionality refers to the expression of agency, aims, motives, goals, and plans that guide actions that a person intends to follow. Cultural differences might be based in part on how different societies are structured. In East Asian societies, one s actions require coordination with those of others and the minimization of social friction. In contrast, North Americans live in a society with fewer social constraints. There is thus more room for North Americans to be more internally motivated and to set their own goals and plans. There is also less pressure on them to change to adjust to the environment. Indeed, developmental psychologist Chiu (1972) observed that Chinese are situation-centered. They are obliged to be sensitive to their environment. Americans are individual-centered. They expect their environment to be sensitive to them (p. 236). On a similar note, Hsu (1981) said that the Chinese tends to mobilize his thought and action for the purpose of conforming to the reality, while the American tends to do so for the purpose of making the reality conform to him (p. 13). The emphasis on the individual and the greater freedom of Americans to act in light of their goals are related to differences in perceptions of control. Primary control or perceived direct personal control over external

Chua et al. / CULTURE AND SOCIAL EVENTS 927 events, as defined by Rothbaum, Weisz, and Synder (1982), may be stronger for European Americans. In contrast, accommodation to existing reality or to group needs to maximize satisfaction and exert control over personal psychological impact, or secondary control, has been held to be more characteristic of East Asians (Sastry & Ross, 1998; Weisz, Rothbaum, & Blackburn, 1984; Yamaguchi, 1994). Primary control has been shown to be positively related to mental health and adaptation for Americans (Langer, 1983; Taylor & Brown, 1988) but not necessarily for East Asians (Kitayama, Palm, Masuda, & Carroll, 1998; Sastry & Ross, 1998). Several studies indicate that giving control to participants in laboratory studies affects Americans performance. Using the Rod and Frame Task, Ji et al. (2000) found that Chinese are more field dependent (Witkin et al., 1994) than Americans in that Chinese find it more difficult to make a separation between an object and the field in which it appears. When participants were given control in the form of being allowed to position the rod as they wished, this manipulation resulted in greater confidence for Americans but not for Chinese. The control manipulation also resulted in better performance for American men but not for Chinese men or women or for American women. Ji et al. (2000) also found, in a covariation detection task, that American confidence and accurate calibration was greater when participants were given the illusion of control over some aspects of the task. This was not true for Chinese participants. Finally, Iyengar and Lepper (1999) found that American children showed higher levels of motivation to solve anagrams when they had been given free choice regarding which types to solve. In contrast, Asian American children performed best on anagrams their mothers chose for them. Given greater emphasis on independence, autonomy of action, and control in American culture, we expected Americans to also perceive relatively more intentionality in their own and other people s social behavior. EMOTIONS Attention allows limited data to be processed from an enormous amount of information (Duncan, 1999; Posner & Fernandez-Duque, 1999). If more attention is allocated to internally motivated actions, there might be less available to be allotted to external surroundings and to others feelings. With greater concern for relationships, social harmony, and meeting the needs of the group, Asians might be expected to pay less attention to a principal character s actions and intentions and instead to generally allocate more attention to emotions and feelings. Thus, we predicted that Asians would report more emotions for characters in social events than would Americans. Some previous studies have shown that emphasis on emotions does differ between East Asians and Americans. For instance, Koreans and Americans were asked to read transcripts of conversations between reviewers and employees about work performance evaluations but were not allowed to see actual performance ratings from original evaluation forms. Based on the transcripts, Koreans were better able to judge and reproduce the ratings of employer s true feelings about an employee than were Americans (Sanchez-Burks et al., 2003). When participants were shown videos of fish, Japanese were found to be more likely to see emotions in the fish than were Americans (Masuda & Nisbett, 2001). In a Stroop interference task comparing attentional bias to verbal content versus vocal tone in comprehending emotional words, Japanese and Filipinos showed greater difficulty ignoring vocal tone than Americans, suggesting a bias on the part of Asians toward people s emotional prosody in assessing emotions (Ishii, Reyes, & Kitayama, 2003). The emphasis on emotions among Asians is also clearly demonstrated in a moral judgment study comparing Americans and Japanese by Azuma (2001). He presented participants with several scenarios of moral transgressions and asked what additional contextual information they would need to make a moral judgment about the protagonist. Examples of supplementary information included age, motivation, and the feelings of the protagonist both during and after the action. Japanese, as opposed to Americans, requested information about the feelings of the protagonist as among the most important pieces of information they would like to have before making judgments. Prior research thus suggests that East Asians would focus more on emotions of characters in everyday social interactions than would Americans. HYPOTHESES In the present research, we examined East Asians and Americans views of social behavior in everyday events using materials involving themselves or others. The above considerations led us to anticipate that (a) Americans would focus more on the main character whether self or other than East Asians, (b) Americans would report more intentionality in actors behaviors than would East Asians, and (c) East Asians would mention more emotions than Americans. We conducted two studies comparing Americans and East Asians. In Study 1, Americans and Chinese read about everyday life events of an individual and their impressions for the events were measured on rating scales. In Study 2, we compared the performance of Americans and Taiwanese on free recall tasks designed to measure memory for everyday events. Events included participants own stories, narratives of events about other people, and videos. We also

928 PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY BULLETIN tested Taiwanese participants in either English or Mandarin to examine whether possible effects were largely cultural or linguistic. STUDY 1 Previous studies used personal events that vary in content in assessing self-focus of participants (e.g., Cohen & Gunz, 2002; Han et al., 1998). In Study 1, participants read an assigned set of a person s diary entries (Leu, 2004) to examine main character emphasis when the self was not involved. After reading the diary entries, participants were given a quasi-recognition task using rating scales. This task required participants to rate the extent to which the diary entries were about the main character (vs. other characters), whether characters actions were based on characters intentions (vs. the circumstances they found themselves in), and whether several emotions were present in the social events they read about. We assumed that participants ratings would reflect their perceptions and impressions as well as subsequent incidental memory for events in the diary passages. Participants Twenty-nine European American graduate students (14 men, 15 women) and 28 international Chinese graduate students (15 men, 13 women) at the University of Michigan participated in this study. The mean ages were 24.73 years for Americans (SD = 2.60) and 26.43 years for Chinese (SD = 2.79). All Chinese participants were born in China and had finished their undergraduate degrees there. We matched participants from the two cultures based on their age and graduate fields of study. Participants were graduate students of business, engineering, natural sciences, computer sciences, and a few from the social sciences. Recruitment e-mails were sent to a Chinese student organization as well as to different graduate academic departments. Volunteers were each paid $15 for participating in the study. Materials and Procedure Participants were tested in groups of six or less. We asked participants to read diary entries written in English. The passages, created by Leu (2004), included events involving multiple characters that had been pretested to establish equal familiarity for Chinese and American participants. The diary covered the life experiences of a graduating senior woman at her university, named Emma, as a series of four diary entries dated roughly 1 week apart and spanning 1 month s time (see the appendix for a sample diary entry). On the cover page, participants were instructed to read through each of the four passages and were informed that they later would answer some questions concerning the passages. After the diary passages were collected from them, participants responded to a separate questionnaire designed to assess impressions about the main character, intentionality, and emotions. In answering the questions, participants were reminded to consider the four passages altogether. For Main Character Focus questions and Intentionality questions, participants circled their responses on a 9-point unipolar rating scale (1 = none, 3 = a little, 5 = a fair amount, 7 = a lot, 9 = almost completely). Participants were debriefed after the session. Main character focus. To measure main character focus, we asked participants, To what extent were the passages about Emma? We also assessed other-character focus by asking, To what extent were the passages about Jason, Elliot, Elliot s cousin, Michele, Hanna, Amelia, Tom, Professor Lewin, etc.? Intentionality. To measure intentionality, we asked participants two questions: To what extent were the characters actions driven by their plans and goals? and To what extent were the characters actions influenced by the circumstances they found themselves in? Emotion. To measure focus on emotion, participants rated to what extent a number of emotions were present in the passages on a 7-point unipolar scale (1 = none,3= somewhat,5=a fair amount,7=strongly). The list of emotions was derived from Leu s (2004) pretest results for Chinese and Americans on the different emotions present on the various events in the diary passages. The emotions were pride, sadness, anger, surprise, happiness/joy, confused/torn, fear/anxiety, self-blaming/guilty, and contentment/calm. Results and Discussion Main character focus. Because it is typical for narratives to have a main character, it was expected that participants in both cultures would agree that the passages were more about the main character than about other characters. Indeed, a 2 2 (Character Focus Culture) ANOVA revealed a main effect of character focus, such that participants overall reported that the passages focused more on the main character than on other characters (Ms = 7.11 vs. 4.19), F(1, 55) = 71.04, p <.001. There was no main effect of culture, F(1, 55) < 1, ns. Results also revealed an interaction effect of Culture and Character Focus, F(1, 55) = 21.14, p =.015. Table 1a shows that, relative to Chinese, Americans believed that the passages were relatively more about the main character than about other characters. These results illustrate that the emphasis on main characters on the part of Americans is strong and is a more general phenomenon, occurring for events concerning other people too. Focus

Chua et al. / CULTURE AND SOCIAL EVENTS 929 TABLE 1: Mean Ratings by Chinese and Americans for Focus on Main Character Versus Other Characters and for Characters Actions Driven by Goals and Plans (Intentionality) Versus Circumstances Chinese Americans M SD M SD A. Passage focus Main character 6.64 2.00 7.55 1.27 Other characters 4.61 1.97 3.79 1.42 B. Influence on characters actions Goals and plans (intentionality) 5.50 1.73 6.31 1.14 Circumstances 6.11 1.52 5.64 1.62 on central character is thus not likely to be an expression of egocentric bias. Intentionality. Table 1b presents the results for the intentionality questions for Americans and Chinese. Neither the two intentionality questions (characters actions driven by their plans and goals vs. circumstances they find themselves in) nor culture had a main effect on participants responses, F(1, 54) < 1, ns, for both (there was one missing case), using a 2 2 (Intentionality Culture) ANOVA. There was, however, an interaction effect of Culture and Intentionality, F(1, 54) = 4.94, p =.03. Americans, compared to Chinese, reported that the characters actions were driven more by their intentions than by circumstances. Emotion. On average, Chinese tended to report a higher mean intensity of emotions present in the passages than Americans, albeit this was not significant, Ms = 3.85 vs. 3.57, respectively, t(55) = 1.44, p =.16. Because we were primarily interested in the number of emotions participants reported as being present in the passages, we also computed a total emotion score for each participant. Contrary to expectations, we found no significant difference between the two cultures in their total reported emotions present in the passages, t(55) < 1, ns. This was likely due to a ceiling effect because out of the possible nine emotions, Americans and Chinese reported mean total emotions of 8.1 and 8, respectively. In sum, relative to Chinese, Americans were more likely to believe that social events, as reflected in the passages, are more about main characters than about other characters and that characters actions are driven more by their intentions than by circumstances. We found no cultural differences for ratings of emotions. To address the problem of ceiling effects for the emotion findings, Study 2 employed an incidental memory task with an unstructured free recall format that allowed us to test whether East Asians have a natural tendency to mention emotions more than Americans. STUDY 2 Study 2 examined whether cultural differences in memory about social events would be found both for personal events as well as for written narratives and video presentations of other people s life events. We tested whether there is a general tendency for Americans and East Asians to exhibit differential recall of main characters, intentionality, and emotion. Whereas Study 1 used a rating task to measure participants impressions of social behavior in everyday events, Study 2 used an incidental memory, free recall paradigm. This paradigm was adopted for two main reasons. First, Mink (1978) noted that telling a story is a universally human behavior and people choose the most comfortable form particular to a culture. Second, there is evidence indicating that encoding and retrieval are affected by culturally based understandings. Participants prior knowledge, expectations, and cultural schemas influence their memory for stories (Bartlett, 1932/1995). Participants Twenty-three Caucasian American graduate students (11 men, 12 women) and 46 Taiwanese graduate students (24 men, 22 women) attending the University of Michigan participated in this study. Half of the Taiwanese participants were tested in English and the other half in Mandarin. The mean ages were 24.75 years for Americans (SD = 2.54) and 27.61 years for Taiwanese (SD = 4.11). All Taiwanese participants were born in Taiwan and had finished their undergraduate degrees there. Recruitment procedure was similar to Study 1 with e- mails sent to a Taiwanese student organization. We matched participants from the two cultures based on their age and graduate fields of study. Participants were paid $25 for participating in the study. Materials Narratives Task. We created two one-page stories whose contents were constrained to be comparably familiar to members of both cultures. The first story, titled Kathy, illustrated a day in the life of a single mother who encountered several unfortunate events, including losing her job. The second story, titled Lea, narrated the job-search process of a student who had just graduated from college. These two stories comprised the Narratives Task. Materials were translated to Mandarin using the back-translation method (Brislin, 1970). English names in the narratives were given Chinese names.

930 PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY BULLETIN Videos Task. Two silent film clips of the comic Mr. Bean were used: The Library (Davies, 1989) and The Swimming Pool (Davies & Verine, 1990). The run times of the movies, which were in color, were 9 minutes and 30 seconds and 4 minutes and 20 seconds, respectively. The Library was about a man who goes to the library but has to struggle to borrow, copy, and return an ancient book. The Swimming Pool was about the same man who came to a public pool to swim but panics as he tries to dive at the edge of a diving board. Procedure Participants were tested in groups of six or fewer. We asked them first to read two one-page stories about Kathy and about Lea (Narratives Task). Then, participants completed a Personal Events Task in which they were asked to write about personal events equally familiar to participants from both cultures. The first topic was about their First Day of School for the fall term of school year 2001-2002. The second topic was their Most Recent Vacation Trip. We asked participants to recall the vacation trip and to write about the first day of the trip. A blank page was provided for each of the topics. We told participants that they could use the entire page or less. Next, we asked participants to bring to mind the stories they read earlier in the Narratives Task. Participants received questionnaires with blank pages requesting them to recall the stories they read earlier by writing down what each story was about. On top of each blank page was the title of the story as well as a short description, Kathy (a working mother) and Lea (a college graduate), to avoid confusion about the stories. Finally, we showed two video clips (Videos Task). After the movie clips were shown, participants engaged in some distracter tasks, reading three very short passages unrelated to the study. Then, participants were given a questionnaire that instructed them to recall the stories in the video clips Swimming Pool and Library and to write down what each story was about. The Americans were tested in English and the Taiwanese were randomly assigned to be tested in English or Mandarin Chinese. Participants who were tested in Mandarin read and recalled the materials in Mandarin. Taiwanese tested in Mandarin Chinese and Americans were given 10 minutes to complete each task. Taiwanese tested in English were given 12 to 15 minutes for each of the tasks. All participants were given the same amount of time to watch the video clips. Participants were debriefed at the end of the session. Data Coding Two bilingual speakers coded all statements for different categories. Each statement could receive multiple codes. Coders agreed on the codes for the categories 96% to 99% of the time. Disagreements on the codes were corrected by the same coders and the first author following the coding rules. The following categories were used during the coding of statements across all tasks: Main character focus. Statements were coded into different categories. The codes were counts of how many events in the sentences focused on the main character ( Lea studied advertising in college, coded as one statement focused on the main character) and on other characters ( The interviewer answered her questions, led her to the door, and finished the interview, coded as three statements focused on another character). In the case of the Personal Events Task, a third category we also was coded ( We drank a lot of beer at the concert, coded as one statement focused on we ). Intentionality. Statements were coded as reflecting intentionality or agency when they expressed aims or goals for actions. Examples of agency statements include, This term I expect to complete the last three required credit hours for my graduate degree, excluding my dissertation research (coded as one statement indicating intentionality). For a single statement that expressed several distinct notions of intentionality, the code was the total number of intention ideas expressed. Emotion. We coded statements referring to emotion and feeling states under this category. An example statement is as follows: After he got up, he was so scared that he couldn t move (coded as one statement indicating emotion). For a single statement that expressed several emotional states or several words describing roughly similar emotional states, the code was the total number of emotion words expressed. Results and Discussion Each of the tasks used in this study Personal Events Task, Narratives Task, and Videos Task had two trials (e.g., Kathy and Lea in the Narratives Task). We conducted analyses using the original scores for each of the trials within each task and compared these to the results of analyses using the average score collapsing across the two trials within each task. There was no difference in the pattern of results between the two types of analyses. We therefore present results using scores collapsed across trials within each task. Main character focus. We compared main character focus versus other character focus in statements by using a corrected score, which was the number of events or actions focusing on the main character minus the number of events or actions focusing on others. Figure 1 shows that Americans, compared to Taiwanese tested in English or Mandarin, consistently mentioned more events and actions involving the main character in social events. Planned contrast results were

Chua et al. / CULTURE AND SOCIAL EVENTS 931 Figure 1 Number of mentions of main characters minus number of mentions of others by Americans and by Taiwanese tested either in English or in Mandarin in three tasks (average across trials). Figure 2 Proportion of statements expressing intentionality produced by Americans and by Taiwanese tested either in English or in Mandarin in each of the tasks (average across trials). significant for the Personal Events Task, 1 t(66) = 4.46, p <.05, for the Narratives Task, t(66) = 2.80, p <.01, and for the Videos Task, t(66) = 5.71, p <.001. Language used for testing did not influence Taiwanese participants responses in the Personal Events Task, t(66) < 1, ns, the Narratives Task, t(66) < 1, ns, or the Videos Task, t(66) < 1, ns. Intentionality. Figure 2 indicates that when describing social behaviors in everyday events, Americans consistently mentioned more intentionality in the behavior of the characters than did either of the Taiwanese groups across the Personal Events Task, t(66) = 4.75, p <.001, the Narratives Task, t(66) = 6.44, p <.001, and the Videos Task, t(66) = 8.91, p <.001. 2 Language of testing did not make a significant difference in the Narratives Task, t(66) < 1, ns, or in the Videos Task, t(66) = 1.09, ns, but Taiwanese tested in English produced significantly more intentionality statements

932 PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY BULLETIN than did Taiwanese tested in Mandarin in the Narratives Task, t(66) = 2.50, p <.05, and in the Videos Task, t(66) = 1.91, p =.06. Taiwanese tested in English were significantly different from Americans for Videos Task, t(66) = 2.33, p <.05, but not for Personal Events Task, t(66) = 1.40, ns, and Narratives Task, t(66) =.09, ns. A rough summary for the emotion results is that culture affects recall of emotionally relevant events, although not strongly, and for Taiwanese, language of testing affects recall of emotionally relevant events, although not strongly. Figure 3 Proportion of emotional content in statements produced by Americans and by Taiwanese tested either in English or in Mandarin in each of the tasks (average across trials). compared to Taiwanese tested in Mandarin in the Personal Events Task, t(66) = 2.07, p <.05. Emotion. Consistent with our predictions (see Figure 3), Taiwanese made more comments about emotional states of characters than did Americans in the Personal Events Task, t(66) = 2.21, p <.05, and the Videos Task, t(66) = 2.07, p <.05. The difference was not significant in the Narratives Task, t(66) = 1.31, ns. The language participants were tested in did not affect Taiwanese performance in the Personal Events Task, t(66) = 1.03, ns. However, Taiwanese tested in English produced somewhat fewer mentions of emotion GENERAL DISCUSSION We examined how East Asians and Americans conceive social behavior in everyday events. We anticipated that there would be more attention to focal characters by Americans than by East Asians. We also anticipated that Americans would see more intentionality and East Asians would show more concern about emotions of characters. In contrast to previous studies that employed personal recollection of events that varied in content, Study 1 demonstrated that when participants were asked to read a given set of social events about other people, Americans showed a stronger tendency than Chinese to focus on main characters than on peripheral characters. Also, Americans were more likely to perceive actions as due to intentions than to circumstances surrounding a person. Study 2 replicated the results of Study 1 when comparing Americans with another East Asian sample, namely, Taiwanese. The results indicated that when participants were left free to recall daily life events, (a) Americans were more likely to mention main character actions than were Taiwanese tested in English or Mandarin, and (b) Americans were more likely to report intentionality for characters actions than were Taiwanese tested in English or Mandarin. These results were robust across different scenarios regardless of whether the events occurred in participants personal lives or in the lives of others as taken from written narratives or from video clips. In addition, there is some evidence that East Asians tend to observe more emotions occurring in the events, at least when responding in their native language. The present work indicates that the previous results showing that American children make relatively more self-referential statements than do Asian children (Han et al., 1998) appear to hold for adults too and that the tendency also extends to events involving central figures other than the self. Thus, this tendency does not seem to be merely an egocentric bias but is due to a general emphasis on main characters in social events. Our findings also seem consistent with other related previous findings that used physical stimuli and highly artificial

Chua et al. / CULTURE AND SOCIAL EVENTS 933 social stimuli. Americans are better able to detect changes in salient objects than are Japanese, whereas Japanese are better able to detect changes in context (Masuda & Nisbett, 2004). Americans are also better able to separate object from field than Chinese (Ji et al., 2000). Also, when Americans are asked to judge the emotion of a main character cartoon figure, they are less influenced by the expressions of surrounding others than are Japanese (Masuda et al., 2004). Americans greater attribution of intentionality for social events likely reflects the importance of sense of control for them. People in Western societies have greater independence and freedom to act in accord with their goals and plans. This results in Americans being likely to see even the behavior of other people in terms of intentionality. Greater attention to emotions on the part of East Asians can be interpreted as being due to greater sensitivity to contextual information that could guide their behavior in relation to other people, helping them to coordinate their actions with those of others to minimize social friction. Thus, emotions can be arguably seen as intersubjective and interpersonal for East Asians (Cohen & Gunz, 2002) rather than as primarily private events. It is likely that the differential attention to emotion is due to ingrained socialization practices in East Asian and American cultures. For example, Japanese mothers emphasize feelings and relationships when they play with their children, whereas Americans tend to focus their attention on objects and their attributes (Bornstein et al., 1990; Fernald & Morikawa, 1993). It is probable then that, from early childhood, East Asians are socialized to pay greater attention to emotional cues than are Americans. Our expectations for the observed differences in emphases on main character, intentionality, and emotions derive from our view of how attention and perception is socialized in different cultures. Differences in social organization and socialization practices may direct people s attention to some distinct aspects of the world, according to their cultural values and norms, at the expense of others. Thus, Western cultures direct attention toward actors viewed as central and toward that actor s intentions. Eastern cultures direct attention toward the social field as a whole and toward the emotions of actors in the field. Evidence for diverging views of social events was revealed despite several task characteristics that may appear to operate against obtaining the predicted results. Asian participants were graduate students in the United States who have more exposure to Western influences than a typical Asian in the Far East. Also, some materials used English names and characters in the narratives, and we also showed video clips that had a Western actor (Mr. Bean). Nevertheless, there were strong and fairly consistent cultural differences comparing Asian and American performance. Language affected the recall of East Asian participants in some tasks. Specifically, Taiwanese tested in English produced more intention statements than did Taiwanese tested in Mandarin in their recall of personal events in the second study. Taiwanese tested in English also made fewer mentions of emotion in the Study 2 Narratives and Videos Tasks. Except for the emotion results for the Narratives Task, cultural differences were still found even where language differences were present. This is consistent with previous findings by Ji, Zhang, and Nisbett (in press) showing a substantial language effect on categorization performance for people who learn a second language at a relatively late age (e.g., Mainland Chinese and Taiwanese). The present studies extend previous work examining cultural differences in perceptions of physical stimuli, artificial social stimuli, and recollection of events concerning the self. The results pose some fundamental questions. One concerns cognitive mechanisms. Are the reported differences a reflection of cultures employing similar underlying perceptual or cognitive mechanisms but differing only in the focus of content? Or are the reported differences a result of particular cultures using distinct cognitive strategies or mechanisms? Another concerns the elements of diverging social views. Three elements were outlined in the current studies: focus on object (central character) versus context, intentionality, and emotions. Are there other important tendencies that distinguish East Asian and Western views of social behavior at a relatively deep level? NOVEMBER 15: APPENDIX The sun is out, the skies are clear, and it is not too cold outside. This afternoon, my friends and I grabbed some drinks and spent an hour at a table outside the cafeteria. We talked about the upcoming holidays and about going home to see our families. I left with Amelia to go back to my room to check e-mail. With Amelia sitting next to me, I opened my inbox and saw a new message from Michigan First. It was an acceptance. I will be working at a bank next year! I read this letter all the way through twice to make sure this was real. Congratulations, welcome to Michigan First. Amelia and I laughed and hugged each other. I e-mailed and called my parents and Elliot with the news. He didn t have his cell phone on. On our way out of the building, we bumped into Elliot s roommate. He said he would give me some books that he no longer needed. Before dinner, we returned books to the library, bought a couple of notebooks at the bookstore, and also some new music.

934 PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY BULLETIN After dinner, I invited Amelia, Michele, Jason, Hanna, and Tom out to Black Bear to help me celebrate my first job. We walked into the crowded bar and tried to find some space. The only available seats were in a booth in the back so Amelia and I took everyone s order while the rest of them stayed behind to save our seats. They were already toasting my new job without any beverages in their hands. I wish I had stayed behind, too. I might have avoided seeing Elliot. He was also waiting at the bar with a pretty girl next to him, smiling. Who is she? He never mentioned her before. Before I could look away, he saw me. He looked surprised and then ashamed and quickly pretended not to see me. My heart sank. I know that he saw me. Before I could say much to Amelia, he had paid for the drink and left with the new woman. NOTES 1. 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