CONDITIONS OF WORKING LIFE OF WOMEN TEXTILE WORKERS IN THAILAND ON DAY AND SHIFT WORK SYSTEMS

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1 J. Human.Ergol.,11, SuppL: (1982) CONDITIONS OF WORKING LIFE OF WOMEN TEXTILE WORKERS IN THAILAND ON DAY AND SHIFT WORK SYSTEMS Malinee wongphanich, Hajime SArro, Kazutaka KOGI, and Yoshiomi TEMMYO Occupational Health Department, Faculty of Public Health, Mahidol University, Bangkok, Thailand I nstitute for Science of Labour, Sugao, Miyamae-ku, Kawasaki, Japan Minatomachi Clinic, Kanagawa Workers' Medical Cooperative, Yokohama, Japan This study was done in seven textile mills in Thailand using a questionnaire and with the help of coordinators selected from among the workers. Replies were collected from 750 workers, 173 day workers and 577 shift workers weekly rotated in three-shift systems. The majority in either group were aged below 25. Of the shifters, 55 % lived in factoryowned dormitories. The average income, freetime activities, and like or dislike for shift work differed significantly between the two groups. The shifters complained more frequently about sleep, health, fatigue, and irregular menstruation cycles. They had also suffered more frequently than day workers from injuries due to accidents. Seventyfive percent of shifters and 68 % of day workers did not want to continue the job at the present level, though the majority said they would continue to work. That only a small part knew their legal rights for protection of women's labor was similar between the two groups. The shift workers demanded, significantly more frequently than day workers, reduction in hours of work, improved work load, and higher wages. These results point to the need for improving conditions of work and welfare services of these women shift workers. Multiple shift work systems have been increasingly used in major industries of developing countries. These systems are not limited to continuous process production, such as petrochemical, glass, paper, metallurgical, and other industries, but are spreading to other manufacturing areas. The textile industry is one of those latter areas where shift systems are applied so as to raise productivity by using the machinery round the clock. As women are allowed to do industrial night work in Thailand, many female workers are engaged in three-shift systems in large and small textile mills in this country. 165

2 166 M. WONGPHANICH, H. SAITO, K. KOGI, and Y. TEMMYO While night work affects the health and social life of both men and women (RUTENFRANZ et al., 1976; CARPENTIER and CAZAMIAN, 1977), women and very young workers are even more vulnerable to the adverse effects of night and shift work (Shift Work Committee, Japan Association of Industrial Health, 1979). In addition to chronic fatigue deriving from inversed work-sleep schedules, female workers are also affected by house work, irregular mealtimes, and child care. Conditions of shift work in developing countries by no means favor these women (KOGI, 1978). In Thailand, the number of industrial female workers on rotating shift systems is remarkably large. Most of these shift working women are rotated weekly, many working three-shift systems. DUANGPLOY et al. (1979) found that shift workers in large textile mills were exposed to multiple health hazards. It was indicated by KOSOLWATANA (1982) that health and safety measures did not seem to be adequately provided especially in small and medium-sized factories of the country. It was shown that textile mills usually employed female workers for overtime or holiday work as it was easier to get work done by them than by men (KASEMSOOK, 1981). The majority of those shift working women did not like the systems but had no other alternatives but to continue to work in shifts (WONGPHANICH et al., 1982). They were more likely to feel sleepy at work and suffered from gastroenteric disorders more frequently than day workers (WONGPHANICH, 1982). Attention must also be paid to their generally poor housing and nutritional conditions. It has thus been indicated that the female workers are doubly exploited by work systems and social roles. The application of legal safeguards for working life conditions of those women are often evaded by the employers. Not only wages, working hours, and holidays, but also health and welfare services for these female workers need improvement. The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects the shift work systems have on the conditions of the working life of female textile workers in Thailand. Conditions of their work and life are discussed in relation to the different impacts of day and shift work systems. Undesirable negative effects of shift work, such as fatigue, accidents, and ill-health, are analyzed with a view to suggesting advice about how to preclude these negative effects. MATERIALS AND METHODS The study was done in seven textile mills located in Samutprakarn Province. The province is in the south of the Bangkok Metropolis and known for its rapidly growing industrial zones. The mills were of medium and large sizes with employees of about 500 to 5,000. Randomly sampled workers were asked to fill a questionnaire form handed over through selected facilitators. These facilitators had been chosen from among educated workers and helped the repliers understand the correct meanings of the questions in the form.

3 WORKING LIFE OF THAI TEXTILE WORKERS 167 Valid replies were collected from 750 female workers. Of them, 173 were day workers and 577 shift workers on three-shift systems. Normally they worked six workdays per week. All of the shift workers were rotated on a weekly basis, the change of shifts usually taking place on Sundays. The results were compared between the day and shift workers by means of the chi square test. Differences significant between the two groups were then discussed. RESULTS General features and living conditions Table 1 gives the number of the questionnaire respondents by working section for day and shift workers. Most shift workers did shop work such as spinning, weaving, and others, while about one-third of day workers were engaged in office and other clerical work. The day workers included those doing sewing work. This difference in working sections between the day and shift workers was significant at the 0.01 level. As a result, the main working posture also differed significantly between the two groups (p<0.01), 83 % of shift workers doing their job by standing all the time but only 38 % of day workers doing so. Fifteen percent of shift workers were either sitting all the time or alternating sitting and standing at work, while 58 % of day workers were doing so. As for carrying heavy loads, on the other hand, 66% of shift workers and 64% of day workers said they did so sometimes, and 18 % of the former and 22% of the latter said they did so often, the difference being not significant. This might be explained by the rather high proportion of shop workers also in the case of day workers. The distribution by age of the respondents was not different between day and shift workers, as shown in Table 2. Fifty-two percent were aged below 25 for either of the two groups. Those of age accounted for 39% in either group. Thus the majority were young women, 17% of day workers and 13 % of shift workers being age But the percentage of single women was higher among shift workers (63 %) than among day workers (51%). Table 1. Working sections of the day and shift workers studied by the questionnaire.

4 168 M, WONGPHANICH, H. SAITO, K. KOGI, and Y. TEMMYO Table 2. Distribution by age and marital status of the respondents. Table 3. Housing and family income of the workers studied. As Table 3 shows, living places and family income levels were significantly different between day and shift workers (p<0.01 and p<0.05, respectively). It was found that 55 % of the shift workers lived in factory-owned dormitories, while 37 % of the day workers did so. Thus 62% of shift workers and 46 % of day workers came to work on foot. In view of family income, the average income level was somewhat lower for the shift workers than for the day workers. The percentage of those feeling that their salary was not enough was 55 % in the case of day workers and 59 % in the case of shift workers, the difference being not significant. Seventy-two percent of day workers and 56 % of shift workers were doing overtime work. The pattern of freetime activities was significantly different between the day and shift workers, as shown in Fig. 1. As leisure activities, 64% of shift workers mentioned "resting," while 54 % of day workers did so. The percentage of those doing radio listening/television watching, newspaper reading, and further studies were significantly higher for shift workers (29 %, 24%, and 39 %, respectively) than for day workers (20%, 14%, and 29 %, respectively). The percentages of those mentioning housework, recreation, and playing sports were similar between

5 WORKING LIFE OF THAI TEXTILE WORKERS 169 Fig, 1. Percentage of workers doing various freetime activities. Difference between day and shift workers significant at the 0.05 level; significant at the 0.01 level. the two groups. Four percent of day workers and 3 % of shift workers were making dresses for extra income. Effects of shift work As Fig. 2 shows, the like and dislike for shift work were very different between the day and shift workers. It is noteworthy that the percentage of those liking shift work was higher among shift workers (47%) than among day workers (only 11 %). But the rate of those disliking shift work was also high among shift workers with 53%. Concerning sleep, healthiness, and fatigue, the shift workers were apparently less favored than the day workers (Fig. 3). Of the shift workers, 69 % said they did not sleep well and 5 % complained of permanent insomnia. The corresponding Fig. 2. Percentage of workers liking or disliking shift work. D, day workers; S, shift workers. The difference between day and shift workers significant at the 0.01 level.

6 170 M. WONGPHANICH, H. SAITO, K, KOGI, and Y. TEMMYO Fig. 3. Replies of the day and shift workers about sleep, health and fatigue due to work. D, day workers; S, shift workers. Difference between day and shift workers significant at the 0.05 level; significant at the 0.01 level. percentages for day workers were 51 % and 2%. If asked about the normal length of sleep, those sleeping 3-4 hr accounted for 11 % of shift workers and 2 % of day workers; those sleeping 9 hr or more accounted for 33 % of shift workers and 45 of day workers. About the health status, 58 % of shift workers and 47 % of day workers felt they were unhealthy or uncertain about it. Thus the rate of those feeling healthy was significantly higher among day workers (53%) than among shift workers (42 %). Eighty-eight percent of shift workers felt fatigue after work that could disappear after overnight resting, while 82% of day workers did so. Nine percent said their fatigue was carried over even after overnight resting in either group. In this respect, one should note that work disciplines of shift workers were relatively more strict than those of day workers, the former having significantly less chances of chatting with each other while working. Those who had irregular menstruation cycles accounted for 45 % of shift workers and 31 % of day workers, frequent amenorrhea being cited by 6 % and 4 %, respectively (Fig. 4). This difference was statistically significant. Complaints about menstrual pains and suffering from work in the menstruation periods were similar to both day and shift workers.

7 WORKING LIFE OF THAI TEXTILE WORKERS 171 Fig. 4. Menstruation cycles and conditions in the menstruation periods among day and shift workers. D, day workers; S, shift workers. The difference between day and shift workers significant only in the case of regularity of menstruation cycles at the 0.01 level. Fig. 5. Percentage of day and shift workers who had experienced injury due to accidents or who used to be absent due to sickness. D, day workers; S, shift workers. ** Difference between day and shift workers significant at the 0.01 level. Of the 577 shift workers, 53 % had experienced accidental injuries at workplaces; of the 173 workers, 42% did so (Fig. 5). Of the injured, 27% and 20 did not absent themselves, 17% and 12% had to be absent for a few days, and 5

8 172 M. WONGPHANICH, H. SAITO, K. KOGI, and Y. TEMMYO and 6 % had to be absent for more than a week among the day and the mitt workers, respectively. In contrast, the rate of those who had had absence due to sickness was similar between the two groups. Views about working conditions The preference about continuing work was remarkably different between the day and shift workers, as shown in Fig. 6. When asked if they wanted to continue their jobs at the present level, as high as 75 % of the shift workers gave a negative answer, while 64 % of the day workers did so. As for their near and far future intention about continuing to work, the shift workers were more affirmative than the day workers. Towards the near future, those who would like to keep working to get enough money for starting another job accounted for 68 % of shift workers and 54 % of day workers. Towards the far future, the rate was raised to 78 in the case of shift workers and 64 % in the case of day workers. Reasons for liking the present job were mentioned by 31 day workers and 149 shift workers. Thirty-nine percent of the former and 68 % of the latter pointed out the light work associated with good income; 29 % of the former and 17 of the latter cited good relations with workmates and their boss; and 32% of the former and 15 % of the latter liked the present work as they could stay near their relatives. Reasons for disliking the present job, on the other hand, were mentioned by 46 day workers and 190 shift workers. In the case of those shift workers, 39 % mentioned living far from home and feeling unsafe, 33 % pointed out heavy work associated with low income, and 27 % mentioned lack of good relations with their workmates and boss. The corresponding rates in the case of the day workers were 36%, 17%, and 20%, respectively. Fifty-five day workers and 255 shift workers gave their view about chances to improve the situations they disliked; Fig. 6. Preference of day and shift workers about continuing working at the present level and about working to get enough money for changing to another job in future. D, day workers; S, shift workers. Difference between day and shift workers significant at the 0.05 level; significant at the 0.01 level.

9 WORKING LIFE OF THAI TEXTILE WORKERS % of the former and only 34% of the latter said there were such chances. Thus 42% of day workers and 66 % of shift workers were negative about the possibility of improving the existing situations that they disliked. In this respect, the difference in educational background between the day and shift workers should be noted. Of the shift workers, 84% had finished their education at grade 4. The rate was 67% for the day workers. Those who had finished their education at grade 7 or more accounted for 27 % of the day workers, but only 11 % of the shift workers. This difference in educational levels was significant at the 0.01 level. When asked whether they wished to further their study, 68 % of the shift workers and 56% of the day workers gave a positive answer (p<0.01). Of 318 shift workers who mentioned a course they wanted to attend, 166 referred to courses in dress-making and hairdressing, 99 to secondary schools, and 53 to others. Of 79 day workers, 37 referred to courses in dress-making and hairdressing, 18 to secondary schools, and 22 to others. The other courses included commercial, cooking, and other vocational training courses. When the workers were asked if they knew about their legal right for protection of women's labor, only 21 % of day workers and 17% of shift workers said they knew it. This contrasted with the high percentage of those who knew about sick leave, 89 % of day workers and 83 % of shift workers. The difference in either case was not significant between the day and shift workers. Figure 7 gives points of improvement mentioned by the workers about their Fig. 7. Improvements desired by day and shift workers. Difference in percentage between day and shift workers significant at the 0.01 level.

10 174 M. WONGPHANICH, H. SAITO, K. KOGI, and Y. TEMMYO working conditions. For both the day and shift workers, the highest percentage was seen as to higher wages,39 % among day workers and 59 % among shift workers, the difference being very significant. The second highest percentage was noted as to providing adequate toilets (30% of day workers and 34% of shift workers). Providing clean dormitory got also a high percentage among shift workers (34 %). The shift workers also showed percentages significantly higher than those of day workers concerning reducing hours of work (20% and 9 %, respectively) and reducing workload (27% and 16%, respectively). CONCLUSIONS The working life conditions of female shift workers in the textile industry of Thailand are shown to be poorer than those of female day workers. This difference is found in terms of economical, social, health, and welfare conditions. The majority of these women shift workers are very young and accommodate in factoryowned dormitories. While the majority admit that they dislike shift work and are not satisfied with the existing conditions, they do not have any other alternatives but to continue to work in the shift system. They are aware of sleep disturbances, unhealthy conditions, and fatigue. These shift workers demand improvement of their employment conditions more frequently than day workers, especially about working time, work load, and wages. While many day workers also demand improved conditions, the shift workers seem more keen about the effects of the work system on daily life, health, and welfare. In conclusion, effective corrective measures should be taken in order that the quality of the working life of women shift workers can be maintained and promoted further. Needless to say, these measures are urgent for all the working population in both day and shift work systems. Put particular attention should be paid to those in the three-shift systems who are burdened doubly by the factory work and house work. These measures should include reduced hours of work, ergonomically designed work, improved safety, health examinations and services, better dormitory facilities, meal services, and other welfare services. REFERENCES CARPENTIER, J. and CAZAMIAN, P. (1977) Night Work: Its Effects on the Health and Welfare of the Workers, International Labour Office, Geneva. DUANGPLOY, S., WONGPHANICH, M., PONGPANICH, C., and KOGI, K. (1979) Health hazards among textile workers of Thailand. Proc. 9th Asian Conf. on Occup. Health, Seoul, pp KASEMSOOK, S. (1981) An interview on textile women workers. Gazette of Society Develop ment on Women Labour "The Redeemer," May, KOGI, K. (1977) Shift work in developing countries. Philipp. Labour Rev., 2 (4) :

11 WORKING LIFE OF THAI TEXTILE WORKERS 175 KOSOLWATANA, N. (1972) Working Status of Women and Children in Textile Mills in Bangkok- Thonburi Metropolitan Area, National Institute of Development Administration, Bangkok. RUTENFRANZ, J., KNAUTH, P., and COLQUHOUN, W. P. (1976) Hours of work and shift work. Ergonomics, 19: Shift Work Committee, Japan Association of Industrial Health (1979) Opinion on night work and shift work. J. Sci. Labour, 55 (8) : Part II, WONGPHANICH, M. (1982) Research report on illnesses commonly found in textile workers. J. Publ. Health (Bangkok), 12: 1. WONGPHANICH, M., KARNSUT, K., SAITO, H., KoGI, K., and TEMMYO, T. (1982) A Comparative Study of Socio-economic Impact on the Working Life Conditions of Industrial Women Workers in Textile Industries, Japan and Thailand. The report submitted to the Japan Foundation, Tokyo.

Section 53 FATIGUE MANAGEMENT

Section 53 FATIGUE MANAGEMENT 1. Purpose The purpose of this policy is to establish the requirements for managing fatigue. It is intended that this policy will reduce the risk of fatigue-related injuries and incidents in the workplace.