Introduction and Executive Summary 2. Why Care About Speed and Impaired Driving Enforcement? 4. What the Data Tells Us 6

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2 Acknowledgments The International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) gratefully acknowledges the members of the Advisory Panel who expended the time and effort to lend their expertise to the creation of this document (participants are listed in Appendix B). The IACP is pleased to recognize the cooperation of its Highway Safety Committee and the law enforcement agencies that contributed to the selection of successful programs in this document. Through the dedication of law enforcement executives, their skilled and committed officers and in collaboration with both private sector and governmental partners, the fight against impaired-driving and speeding-related deaths and injuries can be won. The opinions, findings, and conclusions expressed in this publication are those of the Advisory Panel members and not necessarily those of their employing agencies.

3 1 Table of Contents Introduction and Executive Summary 2 Why Care About Speed and Impaired Driving Enforcement? 4 What the Data Tells Us 6 You, Your Agency, Your Community 11 Common Factors in Successful Programs 13 Current Examples of Programs & Resources 14 Agency Self-Assessment 20 Data-Driven Approaches to Crime and Traffic Safety (DDACTS) 21 Charging the Chief Executive with Action 22 Considerations & Conclusion 24 Appendix A Federal Funding Information 25 Appendix B Advisory Panel Members 26 Appendix C IACP Resolutions 28 Endnotes 31

4 2 Introduction Headlines Police found a three-month-old girl surrounded by rubbish on the floor of a car when they pulled over her drunk and speeding father on the Northern Distributor (Australia) in April last year. Officers took several minutes to realize what they thought was a doll lying behind the driver s seat was a baby wrapped in a light shawl with a soft drink bottle on her head Taran Atkinson had been driving at 104 kmh in a 80 kmh zone and was more than three times over the legal blood alcohol limit. 1 The driver of a sport utility vehicle who ran a red light in Kapolei (Hawaii) last July, crashing into another car and killing the driver, was drunk and speeding said [the deputy prosecutor] she was driving her SUV 74 mph in a 30 mph zone, and her blood alcohol content was.17 three hours after the collision. A 52-year old man died at the scene. 2 Alcohol, speed, texting and a failure to wear seat belts each played a role in a double fatal crash that ended in [a] cemetery last month [the driver] had a blood alcohol content of.20 [and] both [vehicle occupants], neither of whom were wearing seat belts, were thrown from the vehicle and were pronounced dead the vehicle was traveling at 82 mph at the time of the crash. The legal speed limit is 55 mph. 3 Executive Summary N o chief, state police colonel, or sheriff wants their town to be associated with the tragic words flowing from headlines like these. The stark reality is that since 2004 over 12,000 people every year lose their lives in accidents involving drivers with a blood alcohol concentration (BAC) of.08 or higher. Of these crashes approximately 5,000 accidents annually are the result of a combination of excessive alcohol and speeding. 4 Collectively, these numbers cause concern for public safety and the role that speeding and alcohol-impaired driving play in fatal accidents nationwide. As a chief executive or command level supervisor, key concepts in managing both short and long term goals of your agency likely include phrases such as prioritization of services, citizen and community accountability and certainly sustainable funding. In these times of extraordinary economic and personnel challenges, perhaps the most critical words to emerge in the lexicon of policing are resource allocation. In terms of both fiscal and staffing demands, successful law enforcement leaders recognize that they must broaden their approach to staffing and problem oriented policing by pulling back from day-to-day operations and reassessing the trouble spots in their communities and, possibly, finding new ways to approach old issues. The issue of traffic crashes that involve the combined factors of speed and alcohol is an area that deserves heightened attention.

5 In 2008, 10,604 drivers died in speeding-related crashes, 10,946 drivers died in alcohol-impaired crashes, and between those two groups, 4,450 of those drivers had a combined presence of impaired driving and excessive speed. As the numbers clearly indicate, people are dying on our nation s roadways in crashes that are both preventable and predictable. While many agencies are fortunate to have a few officers, or even full divisions, assigned to highway and traffic safety activities, many more departments are finding resources taxed to the limit in simply delivering the most basic services required of them as a public safety provider. However, speed and alcohol enforcement can be, and should be, an integral and fundamental part of policing in the 21 st century if for no other reason than traffic crashes were the leading cause of death of all United States citizens from age 3 to 34 in These deaths do not discriminate. They occur continually; they happen at all times of the day and night, in rural and urban settings, and without regard to innocent victims. In particular, when reviewing anecdotal accounts, it has grown increasingly apparent to many practitioners that the relationship between speed and alcohol in traffic crashes holds real significance and bears further scrutiny. There appears to be a correlation that speeders are often impaired and impaired drivers are often speeding. In the course of developing this report, the author and the advisory panel of practitioners have made an effort to illustrate that relationship and identify selected approaches to help chief executives address the issue of speeding and alcohol traffic-related deaths and serious injuries in their communities. One of the results of the research associated with this report is the lack of comparable data that reflects the true role of speed and alcohol, together, in fatal and injury-related crashes across the United States. Researchers and chief executives alike have found that the lack of consistency in crash reporting across states and localities hinders even the most concentrated efforts to identify trends in crash data, in particular when attempting to locate and compare injuries related to speed and alcohol. This report serves as a call to action for chief law enforcement executives and motor vehicle administrators to place increased emphasis on the importance of comprehensive and accurate data collection for crash analysis. This report underscores the importance of data collection and analysis. This kind of data can be used not only at a local level, to save lives and reduce injuries; but also on a national level to further explore the ways in which state and local law enforcement can more clearly illustrate their need for continued funding to fight impaired driving and speeding-related crashes. 3 Traffic crashes were the leading cause of death of all United States citizens from age 3 to 34.

6 4 Why Care About Speed and Impaired Driving Enforcement? A Drill-Down on Speed and Alcohol In the interest of having a common understanding of this topic, it may be helpful at the beginning of this discussion to define terms. NHTSA classifies a crash as speeding-related if the driver was charged with a speeding-related offense if an officer indicated that racing, driving too fast for conditions, or exceeding the posted speed limit was a contributing factor in the crash. 6 Drivers are considered to be alcohol-impaired when their BAC is.08 grams per deciliter (g/dl) or higher. Thus, any fatality occurring in a crash involving a driver with a BAC of.08 or higher is considered to be an alcohol-impaired-driving fatality. 7 One problem encountered in examining the speed and alcohol nexus for this report is the disparity with which each state reports crashes. For example, some states count crashes as alcohol-related only if the driver is charged with DUI as the primary offense; some crash reports permit indication of multiple contributing factors; while some will permit only one primary cause (such as running a red light) and then exclude any reference to contributing factors such as alcohol or drugs. In some states, BAC is not always included in a final crash report if the test results are not complete at the time of submitting the report; officers may sometimes file a supplemental report but often do not. In other states, enforcement and reporting are often personality driven and dependant on leadership and troop commanders; or officers have only a limited number of boxes to check for contributing causes of crashes and must choose to include the factors they feel are most salient. For the most reliable comparison of data, it is best to review data and accounts related to fatalities without forgetting the thousands of people who are seriously injured and disabled in traffic crashes. A Snapshot of Data Why care about speed and impaired driving? The following 10 statistical findings demonstrate what is happening in communities across the United States, highlighting the role that speed and alcohol play in motor vehicle crash fatalities: In 2008, 11,773 lives were lost in alcohol impaired crashes representing 32% of the total motor vehicle fatalities in the United States. 8 In 68% of these fatalities were drivers with a BAC of.08+, 16% were for passengers riding with a driver with a BAC of.08+, 10% of these fatalities were occupants of other vehicles, and 6% were persons not in vehicles In 2008, 11,674 lives were lost in speed related crashes.

7 41% of all drivers with a BAC of.08 or higher, involved in fatal crashes, were speeding. 5 41% of all drivers with a BAC of.08 or higher, involved in fatal crashes, were speeding. 11 In fatal crashes in 2008, 27% of drivers under the age of 21 that were speeding also had a BAC of.08 or above, and 12% of drivers under age 21 that were not speeding had a BAC of.08 or above. 12 Between midnight and 3:00 am, 72% of speeding drivers involved in fatal crashes had a BAC of.08 or higher. 13 The rate of alcohol impairment for drivers involved in fatal crashes was four time higher at night than during the day. 14 Drivers with a BAC of.08+ who were involved in fatal crashes were eight times more likely to have a prior conviction for driving while impaired as compared to drivers involved in fatal crashes with no alcohol involvement In ,378 drivers involved in fatal crashes had a BAC of.15 or higher. Males account for 71% of all traffic fatalities In 2008, the fatal crash involvement rate per 100,000 population was almost 3 times higher for male drivers than for females. 17 Additional Factors to Consider There are multiple factors that can influence the fatality rate associated with speed and alcohol crashes, such as: time of day, demographics of driver, use of safety belts, and location of the crash. While this document is not intended to address every aspect related to crash data, it is interesting to note that 88% of speeding-related fatalities occurred on roads that are not interstate highways; and nationwide, the percentage of alcohol-impaired driving fatalities is approximately 32%, while rural areas find 57% of their fatalities had drivers operating at a BAC of.08 or higher. Between midnight and 3:00 am, 72% of speeding drivers involved in fatal crashes had a BAC of.08 or higher.

8 6 What the Data Tells Us Each count of a crash fatality represents a real life lost; a father, mother, brother, sister, child or friend. The statistics point to the frequency of the problem, but its human costs, in terms of loved ones and friends lost, are immeasurable. Understanding the prevalence of speeding and alcohol-related motor vehicle fatalities will require consistent measurement of these incidents, as well as the tracking of efforts to curb or reduce these events. Mandating, collecting, compiling, and analyzing data in your community is vital to organizational effectiveness. More importantly, data can demonstrate what the problem is and where it is; clearly and factually. Repeating the watchwords of today s chief executive, data can help you allocate resources more efficiently and effectively and can direct your efforts to more successfully address the areas of need in your agency and in your community. Of course this is true for all public safety issues, including motor vehicle crashes. For example, on a national level in 2008 we know: Crashes were the leading cause of death for people of every age from ,261 people were killed and 2,346,000 injured in a total of 5,811,000 crashes. An average of 102 people die each day, one every 14 minutes. The economic cost to society from speed related crashes is $40.4 billion per year. Facts and Figures In considering speeding and alcohol-related crashes, the following figures and tables illustrate the challenges faced in keeping our nation s roads and highways safe: Figure 1: Portrays the intersection of alcohol and speeding related fatalities for 2008 Alcohol Impaired Drivers in Fatal Crashes N=10,946 Speeding Drivers in Fatal Crashes N=10,604 Alcohol Impaired Drivers Speeding in Fatal Crashes N=4,450

9 Data can help you allocate resources more efficiently and effectively and can direct your efforts. 7 Speeding-related TABLE 1: FATAL CRASHES WITH SPEEDING INVOLVEMENT Drivers/motorcycle riders involved in fatal motor vehicle traffic crashes By year and speeding involvement Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS) Final, 2008 ARF Calendar Year Speeding Involvement Total Speeding Not Speeding Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent ,880 20% 46,515 80% 58, % ,183 21% 47,037 79% 59, % ,248 21% 45,598 79% 57, % ,997 21% 44,022 79% 56, % ,604 21% 39,582 79% 50, % ,912 21% 222,754 79% 281, % Table 1 presents data on fatalities and speeding involvement. As the table shows, annually some 20% of crash fatalities are associated with speeding. This has resulted in the loss of 58,912 lives from 2004 to What is interesting in the table is the consistency of speeding involvement across years (at 20%), accounting for 1 in 5 fatalities. This suggests that there is an opportunity to address accident fatalities associated with speeding involvement, the consequences of which can save lives.

10 8 Alcohol-related Table 2: Fatal crashes with alcohol involvement (by BAC by year) Drivers/motorcycle riders involved in fatal motor vehicle traffic crashes By year and their BAC Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS) Final & 2008 ARF Calendar Year Total Drivers/ Motorcycle Riders Involved BAC=.00 BAC= BAC=.08+ BAC=.01+ Number Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent ,395 44,111 76% 2,226 4% 12,057 21% 14,284 24% ,220 44,278 75% 2,371 4% 12,571 21% 14,942 25% ,846 42,823 74% 2,472 4% 12,551 22% 15,023 26% ,019 41,422 74% 2,497 4% 12,100 22% 14,597 26% ,186 37,157 74% 2,083 4% 10,946 22% 13,029 26% , ,791 74% 11,649 4% 60,226 21% 71,875 26% Table 2 presents data on alcohol involvement and fatal motor vehicle crashes between 2004 and 2008 by providing a breakdown of fatal motor vehicle crashes by the BAC levels of drivers. As shown in the table BAC levels at.08 or above account the largest proportion of alcohol related fatalities. Between 2004 and 2008 there were 60,226 fatal motor vehicle traffic crashes where the driver s BAC was.08 or above (21%). In addition annually approximately 4% (2,200) of fatal motor vehicle crashes are alcohol associated, with driver s BAC ranging between.01 and.07.

11 Speeding and Alcohol-related 9 Table 3: Fatal crashes with BAC of.08 or higher plus speeding involvement Alcohol-impaired (BAC=.08+) Drivers/motorcycle riders involved In fatal motor vehicle traffic crashes, by year and speeding involvement Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS) Final & 2008 ARF Calendar Year Speeding Involvement Total Speeding Not Speeding Number Percent Number Percent Number ,806 40% 7,251 60% 12, ,023 40% 7,548 60% 12, ,075 40% 7,476 60% 12, ,938 41% 7,162 59% 12, ,450 41% 6,496 59% 10, ,293 40% 35,933 60% 60,226 Table 3 presents data on the intersection of speeding and alcohol presence (driver s BAC.08 or above) in fatal motor vehicle crashes, accounting for about 4,500 per year. As the table demonstrates, of drivers with a BAC of.08 or above 40% were speeding; the remaining 60% of drivers with a BAC of.08 or above were not speeding at the time of the fatal crash. In comparison to Table 1 (see above) the presence of high BAC levels (.08 and higher) increases the proportion of fatal traffic crashes from 20% of all fatalities where speeding is involved to 40% when alcohol impairment of.08 or greater and speeding together are involved. Simply, put, 20% of all fatal motor vehicle crashes involve speed, but when drivers with a BAC of.08 or greater are speeding and involved in fatal crashes, the percentage rises to 40% of such crashes. While the bases shift (from all fatal crashes involving speeding to fatal crashes where speeding and excessive alcohol are both involved) the conclusion that follows is that excessive BAC levels coupled with speeding account for 4 in 10 fatal crashes where impairment and speed are involved.

12 10 Not Just Lives Lost In addition to the tragic number of fatalities represented in these tables, it is imperative to remember the even larger number of people who are seriously injured, and permanently disabled, as a result of speeding and alcohol-related crashes. Table 4: People Injured in crashes involving speeding and alcohol Estimates of people injured in motor vehicle traffic crashes, and driver alcohol and speeding involvement in these crashes, By year General Estimates System (GES) Calendar Year Total People Injured People injured in crashes involving Alcohol* People injured in crashes involving Speeding** People injured in crashes involving Speeding & Alcohol*** Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent ,788, ,753 9% 667,633 24% 79,566 3% ,698, ,146 9% 591,556 22% 74,331 3% ,574, ,890 11% 513,061 20% 74,140 3% ,490, ,193 9% 495,829 20% 72,805 3% ,345, ,437 9% 455,530 19% 57,306 2% *At least one driver in the crash had police reported alcohol involvement ** At least one driver in the crash was speeding *** Both alcohol and speeding were involved in the crash. Note, in crashes involving more than one driver, that one driver may have been speeding only while another driver may have been drinking only The numbers shown above are not actual counts, but estimates of the actual counts. The estimates are calculated from data obtained from a nationally representative sample of crashes collected through NHTSA s General Estimates System (GES). After review of the data, that there is some good news: the fatality rate per 100 million vehicle miles of travel (VMT) fell to a historic low of 1.27 compared to a decade ago in 1998 where the rate was As agencies look to the future, it is motivating to follow the U.S. Department of Transportation s lead and establish a goal of a fatality rate of 1.0. That being said, there are still too many people being killed and seriously injured on our nation s roadways, which is why agencies must examine their capacities to utilize a data-driven approach to targeting the days, times and locations when speed and alcohol are playing a major factor in crashes. When placed in the context of public health and safety issues like speeding and impaired driving quickly rise as factors that are meaningful and important to citizens.

13 You, Your Agency, Your Community With so many competing concerns among communities and within police departments, it is easy to see how traffic may not rise to the top of the list of enforcement priorities. But when placed in the context of public health and safety (emphasizing the needless deaths and serious injuries suffered as a result of crashes) issues like speeding and impaired driving quickly rise as factors that are meaningful and important to citizens. 11 Public Health and Safety, Quality of Life, and Funding If a police chief told attendees at a town hall meeting that there was one single factor killing someone in the United States every 14 minutes, 19 and drew a correlation for that statistic to his or her community, the assembled group would almost certainly raise a call for action to address the problem. This is a prime opportunity for a chief executive to mobilize both residents and community leaders to appreciate the need for resource allocation to traffic enforcement specifically tied to efforts to reduce speeding and alcohol deaths and injuries. Leaders in both policing and city or town government can realize the power that lies in rallying residents behind an issue that speaks to public health and safety. Additionally, many chief executives will attest that during the course of community surveys or meetings of the citizenry, one of the most frequently noted complaints revolves around vehicles speeding, particularly through residential neighborhoods. Issues like speeding, along with abandoned autos, illegally parked vehicles, animal complaints, or noise complaints all contribute to the perception of quality of life in a community. These twin issues of public safety and quality of life provide a powerful platform for law enforcement to advocate for the establishment or enhancement of traffic enforcement efforts, particularly as they relate to behaviors that contribute to speeding and impaired driving crashes. This advocacy, properly crafted, positioned and submitted to the appropriate agency, might result in some degree of state or federal funding for efforts aimed at both speed and impaired driving enforcement. Since a large portion of funding flows through state safety offices, it is important to establish meaningful and collaborative partnerships with these agencies. Highway safety offices often are able to be more flexible and responsive to local needs based on demonstrated problems that are specific to their state. Additionally, there is great value in engaging in a coordinated effort to obtain funding by city, county or state law enforcement agencies working together on grant projects rather than solely by individual efforts. Finally, departments may find no-cost success by collaborating with local or regional private partners. For example, approaching major dining chains or working with neighborhood restaurants and bars gives an agency direct access to consumers and potential offenders. Many communities have recognized a change in behavior with businesses that participate in alcohol-server-training programs, display posters about impaired driving enforcement in the area, or post exit signs reminding patrons to buckle up. (Please see Appendix A for brief information on Federal funding options)

14 12 Public Perception When it comes to enforcement of any law, regulation or ordinance, the primary hurdle that officers face is often public perception. It is often said that the message is in the receiver so it is difficult for law enforcement to control the way in which citizens hear the message of don t drink and drive or speed kills. That is why clear, directed efforts in public information and education are so critical to the success of both speed and impaired driving enforcement. In communities where enforcement efforts are preceded by a rigorous marketing campaign, compliance with new laws is typically higher than with no public outreach at all. While involving citizens in the implementation of new regulations and explaining the research and rationale behind the enforcement might seem excessive to some chief executives, many agencies have found that community-based buy-in makes the transition easier for everyone involved. One of the struggles law enforcement confronts when attempting to influence public perception is the resistance that drivers hold in the face of cold, hard facts. Drivers believe that they are in control of their vehicle while driving, and believe they are able to influence most of the factors that affect their small pocket of reality. The sad truth is that while many drivers are obeying all relevant laws, it is other drivers that have become an increasing threat on the road. It is becoming more apparent, both anecdotally and through collected data, that drivers who speed, or operate under the influence, are also more likely to engage in other high risk driving behavior such as distracted driving, failing to wear seat belts and red light running. One shocking statistic offered by Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD) that may influence the populace s assessment of risk is that even with dedicated and targeted enforcement efforts, it is estimated that only one arrest for driving under the influence (DUI) is made for every 772 episodes of driving with the operator having consumed alcohol in the two hours prior to getting behind the wheel. This combination of high risk behavior often leads to a deadly cocktail of late night, alcohol-fueled, fast, and unrestrained driving. Of particular note is the number of children dying in traffic crashes. Motor vehicle crashes are the leading cause of death for children between the ages of 3 and and in 2008, 16% of the children age 14 and younger killed in crashes were killed in alcohol-impaired driving crashes. 21 Law enforcement executives and community leaders alike can relate to the importance of keeping the future of our youth safe and free from harm. Directed efforts in public information and education are critical to the success of both speed and impaired driving enforcement.

15 Common Factors in Successful Programs Departments across the United States have reduced crashes involving speed and alcohol using a variety of established and new methods that have shown tangible and measurable results. There are several factors that, when combined, seem to have an impact when it comes to seeing an appreciable change in crash numbers. Initially, crash reduction must be made both a departmental and community priority. Agencies will often look inside and immediately think they are unable to make a difference with the staffing or resources at hand. Limited resources mean that agencies and communities need to work together to maximize the effect of their efforts. The growing popularity of joint task forces and combined saturation efforts, where several law enforcement agencies and other organizations work together, is a prime illustration of both a coordinated and cost-saving measure for jurisdictions to address problem areas within a state or region. Task forces require the personal buy-in not only of the chief executive, but of the team members themselves. One agency executive described the members he sent to his regional DUI task force as a DUI dogs people who flat out love to lock up drunks. These are the kinds of individuals needed to make these teams successful. Regions with thriving enforcement teams also have the following traits in common: 13 They are multi-layered, involving command staff, officers, community liaisons and appropriate community leaders, and prosecutors. They value the use of high-visibility efforts as an enforcement tool and a means of prevention. They meet frequently to assess progress; to identify emerging problem areas and to gauge effectiveness of their approach. They share intelligence and information regularly. They utilize both earned and paid media jointly, as a team, representing all agencies that are participating in the task force. They establish expectations and set goals. They create deterrence. They generate a climate of compliance. They increase the perception of apprehension. They follow up with media after enforcement events to highlight results. They follow up with prosecutors frequently to ensure smooth case flow. All of these teams have the same basic goal: to reduce injuries and deaths on the nation s roadways. However, the teams cannot achieve this goal without the enthusiastic support of the leadership or chief executive.

16 14 Current Examples of Programs & Resources In addition to the joint task forces and team approaches noted above, there are several examples of excellent programs that have been established across the U.S. that have succeeded in lowering fatalities associated with both speed and alcohol. The importance of exercising the basics such as Standardized Field Sobriety Testing (SFST), use of Drug Recognition Experts (DRE), check points (even low staffing check points) and saturation patrols cannot be overstated. They are long-standing, proven tools in the fight against both impaired driving and speeding. In particular, the use of DRE s can be valuable as law enforcement is seeing a rise in the incidence of drug-impaired driving, whether the substance being abused is prescription or illegal. In 2007, NHTSA advises that 11.3% of drivers had illegal drugs in their systems on weekends; and 16% of weekend night time drivers had either legal or illegal drugs in their systems. Saturation patrols are an effective method of enforcement, but it is worth noting that check points create visual deterrence, which is a powerful way to enhance the public s perception of apprehension and further create a climate of compliance. Some level of controversy still exists in regards to saturation patrols and checkpoints, depending on regional sensitivity or state prohibition against their use. Saturation patrols may have a better effect on speed as well as impaired driving since there is the need for an observed violation before the stop. The frequent, targeted and effective use of speed detection devices may be a way to promote simultaneous enforcement of speed and alcohol. Buffalo Grove, Illinois Police Department (This successful program is an outstanding example of how the efforts of one officer, combined with data analysis and resource allocation, can make a real difference.) In 2005 members of the Buffalo Grove Police Department s traffic unit conducted an annual comprehensive review of the top high crash locations in the village. The review showed that at most of the locations, speed was the primary contributing factor resulting in the crash. Targeted speed enforcement was then increased along the roadways leading up to the high crash locations. The targeted enforcement resulted in a significant decrease in both the number and severity of crashes. Additionally in 2005, an officer was assigned as the DUI Local Alcohol Project (LAP) grant officer. During that year, that officer led the department in impaired driving arrests. It is noteworthy that speed related probable cause violations accounted for 16% of all of the officer s arrests, whereas department- wide speed related DUI probable cause violations accounted for 35% of all DUI arrests. In August of 2005 the LAP grant DUI officer began to focus his probable cause enforcement to speed related violations along the major arterial roadways in the village. From August through

17 December of 2005, speed related probable cause violations increased by 15% accounted for 31% of all his impaired driving arrests. In 2006 the officer was again a top producer for DUI arrests. That year he made a concerted effort to focus on speed violations as an indicator for detecting impaired drivers. As a result over 50% of all his DUI arrests in 2006 were from speed related offenses. This is a clear and compelling example of the importance of the frequent and consistent use of speed measurement and speed enforcement devices. These results were also passed onto other midnight shift officers and the department wide percent of DUI arrests resulting from speed violations rose to 40% in In 2007 the department wide impaired driving arrest for speed violations rose to 48%. In 2008 there was major roadway construction on a number of arterial roadways in the village. The construction extended into early 2009 and had a significant impact on speeding violations. The percentage of speed related DUI arrest dropped to 27% of all DUI arrests. In 2009 the percentage of speed related DUI s rose back to 40% of all arrests. From January 1 through June 30, 2010 speed related probable cause citations for DUI arrests accounted for 43% of all arrests. With the completion of two roadway construction projects, the department expects this percentage to rise back to the 50% level. 15 Percentage of impaired driving arrests with speed as the probable cause: * (1/1 to 6/30) 35% 40% 48% 27% 40% 43% The Buffalo Grove Police Department has recognized the effect of speed in the area of crash prevention and its effective use in detecting impaired drivers. This philosophy is reinforced to patrol officers through annual in-service training. From January 1 through June 30, 2010 speed related probable cause citations for DUI arrests accounted for 43% of all arrests.

18 16 Nighttime Emphasis Enforcement Team (NEET) - Washington State Patrol (WSP) and Washington Traffic Safety Commission (WTSC) The NEET (Pilot Program) was developed to test and evaluate the effectiveness of a fulltime, high visibility, DUI enforcement team in Snohomish County, WA. The WSP, like other law enforcement agencies in Washington continued to use the traditional model of sporadic high visibility DUI enforcement normally coordinated with state and Federal impaired driving mobilizations. The NEET Team was selected from troopers assigned in Snohomish County based on their demonstrated expertise, proficiency, and commitment to impaired driving enforcement. The NEET Team consisted of five troopers and one sergeant fully dedicated to DUI enforcement in Snohomish County. Deployment of the NEET Team was based on the analysis of county fatal and serious injury crash data. The NEET Team would work in any community and on any roadway where the data identified the largest possible return on investment of this new DUI enforcement resource. The WTSC conducted an evaluation of the NEET to determine if desired outputs and outcomes had been achieved and to what extent. The period of time analyzed was 15 months and involved both individual and overall team productivity. This analysis used Washington FARS data as the baseline for fatal crash trend analysis as well as the Federal Highway Administration (FHWA) and the Washington State Department of Transportation (WSDOT) fatal crash cost calculations for determining cost avoidance and cost benefit outcomes. The results of this analysis are as follows: NEET Productivity (average on a per trooper basis): DUI Arrests Speeding Infractions Seat Belts 282/quarter or 56/month; 334/quarter or 67/month; 231/quarter or 77/month; Project Outcome Cost Avoidance: A 40 percent reduction in all fatal crashes when comparing 2007 fatalities (57) to 2008 (34), or 23 lives saved in Snohomish County. Based on FHWA societal cost estimates of $4.2 million per fatal crash, this equals a cost avoidance of $96.6 million; and Represents almost the entire Target Zero lives saved goal (25 additional lives saved per year) for the entire state in 2008.

19 Ontario Provincial Police (OPP), Provincial Traffic Safety Program (PTSP) 17 Since the implementation of the PTSP in 2008, OPP has seen a significant reduction in deaths and injuries, primarily by using existing resources more effectively. OPP s enforcement strategies include the following: Focusing on the big three - excessive speed, occupant restraint and impaired driving. Emphasizing high visibility enforcement for deterrence of both traffic and general criminal offenses - this includes returning to the distinctive black and white patrol cars and renewing their Aircraft Enforcement Program. Stressing professional traffic stops all OPP officers are expected to contribute to highway safety efforts and to be relentless in their response to high-risk driving behavior. Looking beyond the license plate all OPP officers are trained to look beyond the initial violation and initiate action, particularly in the hunt for impaired drivers. Developing a culture that seeks enforcement and improvement; OPP restructured to create a Highway Safety Division with its own headquarters and commander. Engaging stakeholders and cultivating partnerships. Placing renewed organizational emphasis on the need for data integrity - accurate reports ensure that hot spots are identified. RESULTS: compared with 2007, 2008 saw a reduction of 29% in highway traffic deaths on roads patrolled by OPP; an 18% reduction in personal injury crashes; and a 41% increase in vehicle checks for seat belt infractions and impaired driving. Full program information available at (Julian Fantino, Ontario Provincial Traffic Safety Program, Police Chief76 (July 2009): 30 34). OPP has seen a significant reduction in deaths and injuries, primarily by using existing resources more effectively.

20 18 New York State s STOP-DWI Program (While not tied specifically to speed and alcohol, the STOP-DWI program is an outstanding model for the creation of revenue streams and the development of tools to accurately address law enforcement needs based on identified local or regional problems.) Goals and Objectives New York State s STOP-DWI Program was developed in 1980 in an effort to decrease alcohol related fatalities and injuries in the state. The objective was to ensure that legislation would be passed to lay the foundation for the development of effective, self-funding local programs. Strategies and Activities In 1981, the New York State Legislature passed laws that set into motion a series of reforms that would permanently transform the way the drinking driver is viewed and would establish a national model for excellence. The resulting framework for this model had four strategies: 1. Establishing comprehensive, self-sustaining local programs This legislation allowed each county to establish a STOP-DWI program, develop a comprehensive plan and appoint a STOP-DWI coordinator. In turn, counties received all fines collected for alcohol and other drug-related traffic offenses within their jurisdictions. Counties were given a large degree of latitude to develop programs that met their specific local needs. 2. Mandatory minimum fines The new law mandated that judges impose substantial minimum fines. It increased penalties from a maximum of $50 for a first time conviction for Driving While Ability Impaired (DWAI) to a minimum mandatory fine of $250. A conviction for DWI was raised to a minimum fine of $300 and a maximum fine of $ Mandatory and immediate license loss for chemical test refusals Individuals would now be subject to an administrative hearing for license revocation and a $100 civil fine if they refused to submit to a lawfully requested chemical test to determine blood alcohol content. The fine has since been raised to $ Restrictions on plea bargaining restrictions With this change, individuals charged with driving while intoxicated would not be allowed to plead guilty to a non-alcohol related offense except under very narrow evidentiary circumstances.

21 Results The local option approach for DWI enforcement has proven to be very effective. It has not only dramatically reduced alcohol related fatalities and injuries, but has also allowed counties to be extremely creative in developing programs and fostering cooperation between localities. 19 All counties in New York State have a STOP-DWI Program. The successes of the programs are notable: Alcohol related crashes decreased from 16,607 (1981) to 10,167 (2000). Alcohol related fatalities decreased from 1,107 (1981) to 334 (2000). Alcohol related injuries decreased from 21,633 (1981) to 9,251 (2000). The percent of alcohol related crash fatalities decreased from 44.1 percent (1981) to percent (2000). State collected fines went from less than $500,000 annually to an average of $22 million annually. Fine money, which currently averages $22M per year is retained by the counties to operate the program.

22 20 Agency Self-Assessment With national data related to speed and alcohol factors in crashes clearly identified and successful strategies illustrated on both a state and local level, this may be an opportune time to examine both departmental priorities and capabilities. The following statements or questions are meant to spur internal analysis of an agency in an attempt to mobilize enforcement efforts using existing resources: Is there an apparent link between speed and alcohol in crashes in your jurisdiction? Where are motorists or pedestrians dying in your community and why? What kind of data are you able to utilize right now? Are you able to utilize Geographic Information System (GIS) reporting in any way? Is your data accurate and localized? Are you training your officers on the importance of accurate crash reporting? Are you getting accountability and buy in from front line supervisors and from officers? When deploying resources, are you doing it according to sound data and not in response to subjective perception of events? Are you putting the right people, in the right place, at the right times? What are your other problems and how can you combine resources? Who are prospective partners to consider in creating a joint task force? Who are prospective partners to consider in the business community? Good data, and good results, come from setting expectations and making enforcement and accuracy in reporting a priority. This kind of emphasis should be incorporated in frequent training and continued through the command structure from chief executive to front line officer demanding accountability from every level. Being more strategic with resources, personnel and equipment can provide surprising results for agencies, once their enforcement priorities have been clearly identified and thoroughly communicated. Good data, and good results, come from setting expectations and making enforcement and accuracy in reporting a priority.

23 Data-Driven Approaches to Crime and Traffic Safety (DDACTS) In considering enforcement efforts aimed at speeding and impaired driving, there is frequently an added benefit to a community when traffic safety is made a priority within an agency. DDACTS is an operational model that provides the opportunity for law enforcement agencies to attack traffic safety and crime problems in an efficient and effective manner. In fact, the goal of DDACTS is to reduce the incidence of traffic crashes, crime, and other social harm in our communities. This is done through the analysis of traffic, crime, and incident data to identify hot spots where high visibility enforcement and other countermeasures should be deployed. This model for resource deployment is well suited for responding to the problem at hand: the correlation between speeding and impaired driving. 21 The DDACTS model has seven guiding principles, which are as follows: Partner/Stakeholder Participation Data Collection Data Analysis Strategic Operations Information Sharing/Outreach Monitor, Evaluate, and Adjust Outcomes A detailed description of these principles can be found in Data-Driven Approaches to Crime and Traffic Safety: Operational Guidelines; 22 however, it is safe to say that the incorporation of these principles into police operations will improve effectiveness and outcomes, whether addressing a special traffic safety issue or specific crime problem. Advantages that can be gained from implementing the DDACTS model include collaboration with other agencies, incorporation of community policing efforts, increased effectiveness through the use of evidence based problem solving, focusing enforcement activity in areas where it can have the most effect, and accountability through the use of established objectives and operational plans. The basis for the DDACTS model is data and analysis. The discussion of speed and impaired driving in this article has already included data to support the correlation between the two problems. To maximize the effectiveness of enforcement and other countermeasures, it will be important for agencies to collect their own data and examine the correlation on a local level and determine the temporal factors (time, day, etc.) of their problem prior to deploying resources.

24 22 In keeping with the DDACTS model, an examination of any overlapping crime trends or patterns should be included in the analysis. In all likelihood, overlapping crime and crash patterns will be identified, which allows for countermeasures to be used to attack both problems. This increases the efficiency of resource utilization and may help to increase public support for traffic enforcement activities. Currently, the DDACTS model is being used successfully in several law enforcement agencies including the Baltimore County, Maryland Police Department, the Metro-Nashville, Tennessee Police Department, the LaFourche Parish, Louisiana Sheriff s Office, the Rochester NY Police Department, the St. Albans, Vermont Police Department in conjunction with the Vermont State Police, and the Washoe County, Nevada Sheriff s Office. These agencies have realized reductions in traffic crashes and crimes as a result of their efforts. The use of the DDACTS model provides the opportunity to develop evidenced-based countermeasures against speed and impaired driving crashes that will have a higher probability of achieving positive outcomes for public safety and quality of life in our communities. Additional information related to DDACTS can be found at Charging the Chief Executive with Action A s noted many times in this document, the key to achieving a real reduction in crashes, particularly fatal crashes involving speed and alcohol, is the commitment and dedication of resources by the chief executive and the importance that must be placed on integrating speed and alcohol enforcement into the daily patrol function. Law enforcement leaders understand that making the case for additional resources is a demanding struggle that requires facts and solid rationale to be successful. That is why chiefs, state police colonels and sheriffs must take the lead in making crash reporting and data gathering a priority. If more local agencies were able to gather specific, locally-driven, accurate data there may be an increased ability to solicit and direct funding to address problem areas. A department s ability to respond to problem areas or hot spots is only as good as the data collected. To quote one of the chiefs involved in this study, there is power in data. Understanding that most agencies in the U.S. are small and have limited resources, especially in today s difficult times, a chief executive, utilizing the tools already available to him or her, can promote data collection in their agency. Then, with some success in hand, they can move locally and regionally to encourage the same type of prioritization among other law enforcement leaders and promote the use of combined resources. One small step results in additional small steps, which hopefully creates a more welldefined picture of regional, state, and local traffic safety issues.

25 A department s ability to respond to problem areas or hot spots is only as good as the data collected. 23 Suggestions for a chief executive in the early stages of encouraging data collection may include: Specifying collection of detailed information related to both speed and alcohol in all crashes. Requiring officers to note the initial reason for the stop as well as the final reason for arrest this kind of information helps clarify the linkages being examined in this document, that are otherwise unseen or unavailable. Emphasizing the idea of enforcement with a purpose front line officers are constantly asked to provide more information and fill out more forms; but it is imperative to make the connection between gathering data and saving lives. Encouraging officers to note contributing causes in their reports, if the reporting mechanism is not present on current forms; include information such as running a stop sign, failing to wear seat belt, distracted driving behaviors or other factors. Including location information in DUI cases, stating where the offender was drinking or last drinking prior to the stop; many states are beginning to include this information in sentencing and are collecting the data to pinpoint businesses that may have a consistent issue with over serving. Paying special attention to the possibility of prescription drug involvement underscore the rise in prescription drug abuse, particularly among younger drivers, and encourage DRE training for officers dedicated to traffic safety assignments. Demanding accountability - holding supervisors accountable for front line officers and their crash reporting. Increasing internal scrutiny of reporting and data processing, the chief executive should monitor information regularly. Measuring outcomes the data being collected is ineffective unless the department allocates resources, implements programs and then evaluates efforts based on their activity.

26 24 Considerations & Conclusion Accountability for the Chief Executive A t the end of the day, whether presenting information to a city council, county board or state legislature, or making a serious injury or death notification to a family, the chief executive is ultimately answerable for the effect of law enforcement efforts in his or her community or geographic area of responsibility. That is why the goal in every mobilization, checkpoint, or day-to-day patrol exercise should be to achieve a change in behavior in each and every citizen. Police, troopers, deputies, constables and tribal officers use citations as a means to an end to effect a meaningful modification of the way in which people go about their daily lives. The chief, state police colonel or sheriff must make it a priority in their agency, and within their community, to reduce the public tolerance for both crashes and the behavior that precedes and causes them. This public establishment of expectations sends a clear message to officers and citizens that injuries and deaths in their neighborhoods are unacceptable; every fatality is one fatality too many. The gathering and evaluation of crash data, as well as cause identification, goes directly back to the trooper, officer or deputy and his or her training and ability to evaluate contributing circumstances and to take ownership of his or her patrol area. These officers can only deliver what is demanded of them from the leadership of the agency. As noted in the preceding pages, enforcement efforts must be data-driven to achieve real success. In order to sell the dedication of traffic resources to the public or to the state, town or village leadership it is critical to ensure the gathering of current, accurate data that clearly reflect the problem. In today s challenging economic climate, it is necessary again to address the issue of public perception; not in terms of buy-in for enforcement efforts, but as it relates specifically to the sensitivity of revenue generation. All one has to do is turn on the evening news to see another story related to either automated speed enforcement or red-light cameras that has caused concern within a community. There is the common message from some community segments that cry out in protest of any automated enforcement as solely contracted to generate funds for the town. But there must be an equally vigorous reply from law enforcement that emphasizes the need to change behavior, reduce injuries and save lives. Continued public information and education campaigns for the public concerning traffic enforcement are keys to success. The encouraging message here is that it can be done. The reduction of speed and alcohol related crashes does not have to be greeted as an unfunded mandate, but rather a challenge in these challenging times to do more with less; to cross-pollinate officers duties and to find linkages in data that agencies likely already possess within their own records. A careful examination of crash data, paired with a reallocation of staffing, can often help an agency better allocate resources. Whether it is on patrol, in the policy and general order books, or a nascent discussion among leadership in police organizations; the goal of every law enforcement agency remains the same: to find better and more effective ways of changing behavior to reduce injuries and save lives.