School Psychology Forum:

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1 School Psychology Forum: R E S E A R C H I N P R A C T I C E Gratitude in Children and Adolescents: Development, Assessment, and School-Based Intervention Jeffrey J. Froh Hofstra University David N. Miller University at Albany, State University of New York Stephanie F. Snyder Hofstra University VOLUME 2 ISSUE 1 PAGES 1 13 FALL 2007 ABSTRACT: Gratitude is an important component of positive psychology and essential to living the good life, but until recently psychologists have largely ignored it. Although the developmental trajectory of gratitude remains unclear, children seem to first experience and express gratitude around 6 8 years of age. Unfortunately, gratitude measures designed specifically for youth are currently nonexistent. Therefore, although data support using adult gratitude scales with children and adolescents, youth measures are needed. Gratitude is related to a host of positive outcomes, including subjective well-being, relational support, and prosocial behavior. Counting blessings daily for 2 weeks has been associated with greater school satisfaction at immediate posttest and at 3-week follow-up. Beyond improving social and emotional functioning, gratitude also may promote academic gains via achievement motivation. School psychologists should consider gratitude a viable path for promoting positive youth development in the context of both assessment and intervention. Practical implications for school psychologists are discussed. There is a calmness to a life lived in gratitude, a quiet joy. Ralph Blum Positive psychology focuses on identifying and enhancing the human strengths and virtues that make life worth living and allow individuals and communities to thrive; it is the scientific study of the good life (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). Psychologists have recently emphasized the need for the promotion of positive youth development, in addition to the already existing focus on pathology and similarly related phenomena (see Lerner, Jacobs, & Wertlieb, 2003, for a review). Because the traditional psychological approach emphasizing deficits and disorders may be limited in fostering human excellence (Sheldon & King, 2001) and presents a distorted view of student functioning (Jimerson, Sharkey, Nyborg, & Furlong, 2004), it is imperative that school psychologists commit to understanding the well-springs, mechanisms, processes, and outcomes of positive psychological constructs in children and youth. One such construct is gratitude, which has recently attracted considerable interest from both the popular culture (e.g., Emmons & Hill, 2001; Hay, 1996; Ryan, 2000) and the scientific community (for Correspondence regarding this article should be directed to Jeffrey J. Froh, School Community Psychology, Hofstra University, 210 Hauser Hall, Hempstead, NY 11549, Jeffrey.Froh@hofstra.edu.

2 review see Emmons, 2007). The purpose of this article is to discuss the development, assessment, and promotion of gratitude in children and adolescents. In addition, specific implications for school psychologists are offered. We begin with defining gratitude and highlighting the current state of affairs of gratitude research in children and adolescents. PSYCHOLOGY OF GRATITUDE Gratitude can be conceptualized as a virtue or as an emotional state. McCullough, Kilpatrick, Emmons, and Larson (2001) conceptualized gratitude as a moral emotion one with moral precursors and consequences. After extensively reviewing the literature in developmental, evolutionary, social, and personality psychology, they proposed that gratitude serves three moral functions. As a moral barometer, gratitude signals the beneficiary that a benefactor bestowed a gift upon him or her. As a moral motive, gratitude encourages prosocial behavior in the beneficiary either directly toward the benefactor or others. Finally, as a moral reinforcer, gratitude increases the probability that the benefactor will act prosocially toward the beneficiary in the future. As an emotional state, certain conditions must be met for a beneficiary to experience gratitude. First, the beneficiary must perceive that the benefactor intentionally bestowed the benefit. Intentionality becomes stronger as the beneficiary trusts the benefactor acted sincerely and expects a minimal return (Tesser, Gatewood, & Driver, 1968). This factor is the ingredient essential for experiencing gratitude when it is viewed as an interpersonal emotion (Heider, 1958; see Graham & Weiner, 1986, and Weiner & Graham, 1988, for reviews). However, gratitude does not require an interpersonal context. It can also be experienced toward impersonal (e.g., nature) or nonhuman sources (e.g., God, animals, the cosmos; Emmons & Crumpler, 2000). Second, the benefactor should incur some cost in providing the benefit. The greater the perceived cost incurred by the benefactor in providing the benefit, the greater the beneficiary s gratitude. Finally, the beneficiary should value the benefit (Tesser et al.). Although the adult literature on gratitude has grown substantially in the past few decades, there is a dearth of research on gratitude in youth (Bono & Froh, in press; Froh & Bono, in press). For example, it is unclear if gratitude in youth is an innate feeling that manifests itself differently as a function of developmental stage and sex of the child or whether it is related to an individual s general character (Gordon, Musher-Eizenman, Holub, & Dalrymple, 2004). Several recent studies aside (Froh, Sefick, & Emmons, in press; Froh & Yurkewicz, 2007a; Gordon et al.), the empirical basis for the development, assessment, and intervention of gratitude in children and adolescents is in its infancy. What is known, however, is that gratitude appears to be psychologically beneficial for youth. In early adolescence, gratitude has been related to positive psychological/subjective well-being (Froh et al., in press; Froh & Yurkewicz) and peer and familial support and satisfaction (Froh & Yurkewicz, 2007a). Gratitude may also serve to broaden thought action repertoires and consequently build enduring social, intellectual, and physical resources (Fredrickson, 2004). As an interpersonal emotion and social cohesive, expressing gratitude may be an effective strategy for children and adolescents with peer difficulties to bolster peer bonds (Bono & Froh, in press; Froh & Bono, in press). This seems particularly important given the strength of peer relationships in determining positive youth development and social behavior (Berk, 2007). Gratitude may also be related to academic achievement, an area of obvious and particular interest to school psychologists and other school-based practitioners. For example, although dispositional gratitude was found to be unrelated to student self-reported grade-point average (Froh & Yurkewicz, 2007b), others argued that gratitude might lead to goal striving, achievement motivation, and benefit finding (Bono & Froh, in press; Froh & Bono, in press). Specifically, since gratitude might buffer against materialism (i.e., extrinsic goal pursuit) in early and late adolescents (Bono & Froh), it is plausible that gratitude may foster intrinsic goal pursuit and achievement rather than extrinsic goal pursuit and achievement as promoted by 2

3 materialism (Kasser, 2006). This is another possible avenue for how gratitude may encourage positive youth development, as individuals who report having intrinsic goals (e.g., affiliation) report a higher level of wellbeing than those who report more extrinsic goals (e.g., materialism; Kasser & Ryan, 1993; Ryan & Deci, 2000). This finding is partly explained by the eroding effects of materialism on friendships (Kasser & Ryan, 2001), of which gratitude may be a useful safeguard. With gratitude being a key ingredient for flourishing in youth (Bono & Froh, in press; Froh & Bono, in press), it makes sense to include gratitude in the scientific pursuit of positive youth development. We provide a brief overview of the development of gratitude in children and youth below. DEVELOPMENT OF GRATITUDE The developmental trajectory of gratitude in youth remains open to question. Klein (1957) believed that gratitude first arises in the earliest stages of infancy. She suggested that gratitude is essential for the infant to build a strong relation to the good object (i.e., mother) and fosters an appreciation of oneself and others. The mother s breast is a source of love and nourishment, and the infant feels appreciation toward the mother for these resources. The more the infant experiences maternal love, the more the infant will also experience gratitude. The infant only experiences absolute enjoyment if the capacity for love is adequately developed, and this enjoyment is hypothesized to be the foundation for gratitude. Similar to Klein, McAdams and Bauer (2004) report that the early attachment experience, as conceptualized by Bowlby (1969), may be a focal point for the wellsprings of gratitude. But the claims of gratitude emerging in infancy are speculative and in need of empirical investigation. As an emotion or characterological disposition, Emmons and Shelton (2002) maintain that gratitude does not emerge spontaneously in newborns (p. 468) because virtues such as gratitude develop with sustained focus and effort. Therefore, although infancy remains a plausible developmental stage for the genesis of gratitude, definitive conclusions will only be reached with rigorous empirical confirmation. Some suggest that the experience of gratitude is enhanced throughout the course of development (Baumgarten-Tramer, 1938; Graham, 1988). To illustrate, Gleason and Weintraub (1976) investigated the acquisition of routines in child language development by audiotaping the exchange between 115 children (2 16 years of age) and adults on Halloween night. In this trick-or-treat routine, children before the age of 6 thanked an adult for giving them candy considerably less often (21%) than 10- (83%) and year-olds (88%). Greif and Gleason (1980) found the spontaneous production of the words thank you by preschoolers to be even less frequent, with only 7% of children expressing thanks. The finding that preschool children in these studies seldom said thank you may be due to the novel situations in which the data were collected (i.e., Halloween night in the first study and in a laboratory in the second). The children may have focused their attention on the unfamiliar aspects of the situation in trying to actively learn new information (e.g., remembering to utter the phrase trick-or-treat ), rather than the familiar aspects of social exchange and politeness formulas (Becker & Smenner, 1986). Indeed, Becker and Smenner report that 37% of 3 1/4- to 4 1/2 -year-olds spontaneously said thank you in a familiar context. The children s socioeconomic status (SES), however, was a moderating variable: 18% of middle-income children said thank you compared to 34% of low-income children. Thus, context familiarity may not enhance gratitude expression in children. These studies demonstrate that the experience of gratitude could begin in the early elementary years, but probably solidifies in middle childhood (Weiner & Graham, 1988). Parents and teachers can likely promote the development of gratitude in youth, particularly given that children s language acquisition is facilitated by specialized input from the adults around them (Gleason & Weintraub, 1976). But certain linguistic behaviors spark more explanatory discussion between adults and children than others. For instance, adults teaching children a lexical item and concept embed it in several frames: See the kitten? That s a kitten. The kitten is eating his dinner. But adults often fail to elaborate on politeness formulas such as verbalizing thank you. Instead, expressions of gratitude seem to be taught as social scripts with limited explanation as to why thanks are given. In many cases, parents main concern is 3

4 with the correct timing of saying thank you with little or no emphasis given to the reasons for doing so (Gleason & Weintraub, 1976). Typically, at most the rationale of obligatory politeness may be provided (e.g., You are supposed to say thank you when given a gift ). Because virtues like gratitude are acquired behaviors (Emmons & Shelton, 2002), consistent support and encouragement from adults enable children to develop the skills necessary to express and experience gratitude. Gratitude seems to manifest itself differently in children and adolescents. In an ambitious study on the developmental trajectory of gratitude, 1,059 school children ages 7 15 years in the city of Berne, Switzerland, were asked two questions (Baumgarten-Tramer, 1938): What is your greatest wish? What would you do for the person who granted you this wish? The results suggested four types of gratitude: Verbal gratefulness (e.g., I should thank him ): Occurs in 30 48% of the total replies, and was particularly frequent in 15-year-olds (72%). Concrete gratefulness: Occurs when the child wants to give an object to the benefactor in return for the benefit (e.g., I should give him a book, a bow, a pocket knife ). Concrete gratefulness occurs in two kinds: exchange and material. Similar to Tesser et al. s (1968) assertion that gratitude is a positive function of the value for the gift received, the degree of exchange gratitude experienced is measured by the subjective value of the object given in return for the benefit. Data are not provided on the percentage of children demonstrating exchange gratitude. The child who promises a gift to the benefactor for providing the requested benefit illustrates material gratitude. This type of gratitude was most frequent with 8-year-olds (51%) and least frequent with children between 12 and 15 years of age (6%). Connective gratitude: An attempt by the beneficiary to create a spiritual relationship with the benefactor. I would help him in case of need characterizes this type of gratitude. Connective gratitude appears to become more frequent after age 11 (Baumgarten-Tramer, 1938) and occurs in 60% of 12-year-olds. Children as young as 7 years of age, however, reported feelings of connective gratitude, even though this type of gratitude is more other-centered compared to verbal and concrete gratefulness. It is not until the age of 3 or 4 that children develop an internalized theory of mind (Gergely, 2003), and at this age children begin developing an understanding that human behavior is intentional the key attribution in experiencing genuine gratitude. Thus, around age 7 children may experience both connective gratitude and gratitude as defined by others (McCullough et al., 2001; Tesser et al., 1968), because both conceptualizations suggest the beneficiary will be motivated to act prosocially toward the benefactor (e.g., offering assistance). Finalistic gratefulness: Exemplified by the child who, for example, wishes to make the soccer team and expresses gratitude by always being punctual to practice and obeying the coach s instructions. Though data are not provided, Baumgarten-Tramer (1938) suggests finalistic gratefulness is most common in year-olds due to gratitude taking a higher form in later developmental stages. Empirical data do not exist regarding Baumgarten-Tramer s hypotheses. However, this remains the only known attempt at scientifically elucidating the developmental trajectory and manifestation of gratitude in children and adolescents. At what point can children be taught the distinction between obligatory gratitude and genuine gratitude? Teaching children the social rules of language serves the function of helping them successfully navigate the social world (Gleason & Weintraub, 1976). Indeed, failing to say thank you can have socially troublesome consequences for the individual (Apt, 1974) while expressing gratitude helps individuals become socially effective communicators and build beneficial affiliations (Hess, 1970, as cited in Becker & Smenner, 1986). Saying thank you when someone holds the door requires only knowing the social etiquette of gratitude; it does not require knowing what it means to feel grateful. Gratitude is elicited only if the beneficiary perceives himself or herself as the intended recipient and the benefactor as intentionally bestowing the benefit (McCullough et al., 2001). In the previous example, the person intentionally held the door. He or she did not have to do so. Therefore, obligatory gratitude and genuine gratitude seem to serve different functions. If gratitude as it is defined by the scientific literature is to be fostered in children, adults need to articulate to children the prerequisite environmental conditions (e.g., a benefit bestowed by a benefactor) and cognitions 4

5 (e.g., the benefit was intentionally bestowed) related to gratitude. Discussions such as this could perhaps occur as early as 3 or 4 years of age because children have begun to develop a theory of mind, which is a sophisticated understanding of persons as mental agents whose actions are caused by intentional mind states such as desires, intentions, and beliefs (Gergely, 2003, p. 26). Furthermore, beyond gratitude being a polite formula during social exchange, genuine gratitude is more likely to be developed if the social nature of this emotion is expatiated. Simmel (1950) maintained that gratitude is a social cohesive and necessary for generating goodwill in communities because social contracts and law are insufficient in ensuring reciprocity. Gratitude experienced by the beneficiary connects him or her to the benefactor through indebtedness and reminds the beneficiary of his or her reciprocity obligation. Acknowledging developmental differences in cognitive, social, and emotional functioning among children and adolescents (Berk, 2007) and communicating the benefits of gratitude beyond its obligatory nature may help foster its development. In addition to understanding the development of gratitude in children and youth, school psychologists should be aware of various instruments for assessing it. Given the recent emphasis within school psychology on assessing students strengths (Jimerson et al., 2004) as well as their deficits, this is an emerging and important area of inquiry. Below we provide a discussion of contemporary practices in assessing gratitude. ASSESSMENT OF GRATITUDE There currently is a dearth of reliable and valid measures for assessing gratitude in children and adolescents. Indeed, measures now exist only for use with adult populations. Data are accumulating, however, that indicate these measures may be potentially useful with children and youth as well as adults (Froh & Emmons, 2007). Although school psychologists may be tempted to use these readily accessible measures, extreme caution should be used because the experience and expression of gratitude is different in adults than in children and adolescents (Bono & Froh, in press; Froh & Bono, in press). The difficulty with evaluating gratitude in youth is further compounded by the uncertainty surrounding its developmental trajectory. Measuring gratitude in infancy and early childhood may prove futile if gratitude emerges in middle childhood (Emmons & Shelton, 2002). The scientific study of gratitude in youth will only be advanced with the development and validation of instruments sensitive to the cognitive and emotional development of children and adolescents. As noted by Emmons, McCullough, and Tsang (2003), gratitude has been measured in adults via several different methods, two of which are behavioral measures (e.g., giving resources to a benefactor; Tsang, 2006, 2007) and free response (e.g., content analysis; Gordon et al., 2004). We focus here on rating scales, largely because these measures of gratitude are the most frequently used and because they are likely to be of most interest to school psychologists looking to include positive indicators in their assessments. Three gratitude rating scales currently exist. The Gratitude Adjective Checklist (GAC; McCullough, Emmons, & Tsang, 2002) is the sum of three adjectives: grateful, thankful, and appreciative. This measure has been used to assess both dispositional gratitude (Froh & Yurkewicz, 2007b) and gratitude as a mood (Froh et al., in press; Froh & Yurkewicz, 2007a) in early and late adolescents via manipulating instructions. For example, Froh and Yurkewicz (2007b) asked students to rate the degree each emotion was experienced, in general, whereas Froh and Yurkewicz (2007a) focused on the experience of gratitude since yesterday. The GAC has been shown to be both reliable and valid in adult samples. McCullough et al. report strong internal consistency (alpha =.87), and Emmons and McCullough (2003) report alphas ranging from.86 to.92. More recent research reported an alpha of.92 in a sample of adults with neuromuscular disease (Emmons & Kneezel, 2005). McCullough et al. established convergent validity with positive and moderate correlations with positive affect, life satisfaction, spiritual transcendence, forgiveness, and the personality factors of agreeableness, conscientiousness, extroversion, and openness. Furthermore, the GAC demonstrated discriminant validity via negative and moderate correlations with negative affect and the personality factor neuroticism. 5

6 The GAC evidenced strong psychometric properties in both early and late adolescent samples. Exploratory analyses with the data from Froh and Yurkewicz (2007b) suggest that the GAC reliably measures dispositional gratitude in both early (alpha =.82) and late (alpha =.91) adolescents. Froh et al. (in press) measured gratitude in early adolescents via the GAC over 5 weeks at 11 different data points. Alpha ranged from.78 to.88. Further analysis with these data indicated the GAC has strong temporal stability when restricted to the no-treatment control condition, as pretest gratitude correlated with gratitude both 2 weeks (r =.60) and 5 weeks (r =.58) later. Convergent validity was established in early adolescents, as gratitude was positively correlated with optimism, contentment, domain-specific life satisfaction (e.g., school, community, self), overall positive affect, relational support, and prosocial behavior. Factor analysis indicated that gratitude is best suited among pride, hope, forgiveness, and interest (Froh & Yurkewicz, 2007a). Furthermore, a measure of authentic happiness as defined by Seligman (2002; i.e., the Tripartite Happiness Scale Adolescent; Froh & Yurkewicz, 2007b), and measures of well-being in early and late adolescents were differentially related with dispositional gratitude. To illustrate, dispositional gratitude was correlated with meaning in both early (r =.56) and late (r =.52) adolescents, but only pleasure and engagement (i.e., flow) correlated with dispositional gratitude in the early adolescent sample. Discriminant validity was demonstrated as the GAC yielded no relationship with favorite color and shoe size in both early and late adolescents. Overall, these data suggest the GAC is a valid and reliable method for measuring self-report gratitude as either a disposition or an emotion. The Gratitude Questionnaire 6 (GQ-6; et al., 2002) was specifically created to measure dispositional gratitude. The GQ-6 consists of six items that use a 7-point Likert scale and measure the four facets of the grateful disposition: intensity, frequency, span, and density. Intensity refers to the fact that a person with a strong grateful disposition will likely experience a positive event with more intense gratitude than someone less disposed toward gratitude who experiences the same event. A person with a strong grateful disposition will not only experience gratitude more frequently throughout the day but may also experience gratitude for even the smallest of benefits (e.g., a torrential downpour stopping before one exits his or her car). This depicts the frequency facet of the grateful disposition. A person high in span reports experiencing gratitude for numerous life circumstances (e.g., health, family, friends, and career). Density refers to the notion that a grateful individual will express gratitude to many people for a specific positive outcome, such as graduation or marriage. McCullough et al. found the GQ-6 to be unidimensional and reliable (alpha =.82). The Gratitude, Resentment, and Appreciation Test (GRAT) is another measure that views gratitude as a personality disposition (Watkins, Woodward, & Stone, 2003). GRAT is a 44-item questionnaire that uses a 5- point Likert scale. Watkins et al. investigated its validity by comparing scores on different measures of positive and negative states and traits. The GRAT was found to have a moderate positive correlation with measures of positive affect, internal locus of control, and life satisfaction. Narcissism, depression, and aggression were found to have a moderate negative correlation. The GRAT also evidenced strong test retest reliability (r =.90 for 2 weeks to 2 months apart), internal consistency (alpha =.92), criterion-related validity, and sensitivity in adult samples. There is also a short 16-item version of the GRAT. This measure shows good validity, internal consistency (alpha =.92), and strong associations with the GQ-6 (r =.82; Thomas & Watkins, 2003). School psychologists are presently left with few options for assessing gratitude in youth. Although some current data indicate the adult measures are psychometrically strong in younger populations, caution should be exercised before school psychologists include these instruments in their assessment arsenal. Replication is needed and scales specifically created for children will aid in assessing this aspect of positive psychological functioning in youth. Finally, school psychologists should not view their involvement with gratitude to be limited to assessment but rather should also be cognizant of methods for cultivating and promoting gratitude in children and adolescents. Information on that topic is provided below. 6

7 EXPERIENCING, EXPRESSING, AND PROMOTING GRATITUDE Numerous benefits can be gained by experiencing and expressing gratitude (Bono, Emmons, & McCullough, 2004; Bono & Froh, in press; Froh & Bono, in press). For example, research with adults suggests that those who frequently feel and express gratitude appear to enjoy their work more, are more optimistic and energetic, and are more likely to help or support others than individuals who do not experience gratitude (Emmons & Shelton, 2002). The practice of gratitude also may be useful for decreasing the amount of craving or grasping for things people do not have and typically do not need. Experiencing such cravings often results in subjective distress and a frequent sense of dissatisfaction with one s life circumstances. A useful antidote to this problem can often be the experience and expression of gratitude (Miller, 2006; Miller & Nickerson, in press). Moreover, the active engagement in gratitude appears to be a viable exercise for increasing and sustaining individual happiness and subjective well-being (Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, & Schkade, 2005; Seligman, Steen, Park, & Peterson, 2005; Sheldon & Lyubomirsky, 2006) as well as enhancing the probability of prosocial behavior (Bartlett & DeSteno, 2006; Tsang, 2006, 2007). The potential benefits of gratitude appear to be substantial, not only for individuals but also for society (Emmons, 2004; Simmel, 1950). Experiencing and Expressing Gratitude The progression from experiencing to expressing gratitude appears to require a series of steps. Fitzgerald (1998), for example, identified three steps: (a) a warm sense of appreciation for someone or something, (b) a sense of goodwill toward that person or thing, and (c) a disposition to act that flows from the sense of appreciation and goodwill. Emmons and Hill (2001) suggest that the process of gratitude begins with the awareness that individuals have a choice of taking whatever attitude they prefer in a given situation. The next step requires that the individual attain a certain level of self-reflection so the necessary internal work of being grateful can occur. Following this stage, gratitude often becomes a felt experience as result of a conscious attitude and intention to be grateful, which then, it is hoped, results in its expression through action (e.g., thanking others for their generosity). External circumstances corresponding to individual needs, wants, or preferences do not require expressions of gratitude. As noted by Emmons and Shelton (2002), a grateful outlook does not require a life full of material comforts but rather an interior attitude of thankfulness regardless of life s circumstances (p. 465). There are several variables that may promote or inhibit the experience and expression of gratitude. Examples of variables that likely promote its development include (a) optimism, (b) empathy, (c) humility, (d) perspective taking, and (e) having a spiritual orientation (Emmons, 2004). A broad perspective on life also helps to promote gratitude. Without this perspective, it is difficult to sense the contributions that others make to one s well-being (Emmons, p. 564), and to have the perception that particular elements in one s life and life itself are precious gifts. Potential obstacles and inhibiting factors to experiencing and expressing gratitude include a sense of entitlement, lack of self-reflection, preoccupation with materialism, and the perception that one is a passive victim (Emmons, 2004). Interventions for Promoting Gratitude Experiencing and expressing gratitude does not come naturally; it is a learned process and sometimes an effortful one, and it requires a certain level of inner reflection and introspection (Miller, 2006). Gratitude must be practiced and cultivated to positively affect and sustain one s level of subjective well-being (Lyubomirsky et al., 2005; Miller & Nickerson, in press). Fortunately, many individuals have described specific exercises for promoting gratitude. One such exercise was provided by Miller (1995), who describes a simple, four-step, cognitive behavioral approach for cultivating gratitude: (1) identify nongrateful thoughts, (2) formulate gratitude-supporting thoughts, (3) substitute the gratitude-supporting thoughts for the nongrateful thoughts, and (4) translate the inner feeling of gratitude created by these thoughts into outward action. 7

8 Seligman (2002) describes another exercise for promoting gratitude: Select one important person from the past who has made a major positive difference in your life and to whom you have never fully expressed your thanks (do not confuse this selection with new-found romantic love or with the possibility of future gain). Write a testimonial long enough to cover one laminated page. Take your time composing this. Invite the person to your home, or travel to that person s home. It is important to do this face-to-face, not just in writing or on the phone. Do not tell the person the purpose of the visit in advance. A simple I just want to see you will suffice. Bring a laminated version of your testimonial with you as a gift. Read your testimonial slowly, with expression, and with eye contact. Then let the other person react unhurriedly. Reminisce together about the concrete events that made this person so important to you (p. 74). Although each of the practices for cultivating gratitude described above may be beneficial, they have generally been used with adults rather than children and adolescents (although each could be modified to be used with students in schools). Moreover, they have not been empirically evaluated to determine scientifically if their use leads to the experience and expression of gratitude and, consequently, enhanced subjective well-being and prosocial behavior. In recent years, however, research has begun to scientifically examine the effects of gratitude, and this is discussed below. Research-Based Interventions for Promoting Gratitude To date, most of the empirical research on cultivating gratitude has focused on adults and has been conducted by Robert Emmons and his colleagues (e.g., Emmons & Kneezel, 2005; Emmons & McCullough, 2003; Froh et al., in press). In particular, Emmons and his colleagues have found that engaging in a task as simple as the self-monitoring and recording of events for which one is grateful referred to as gratitude journals has been found to lead to greater prosocial behavior and subjective well-being among those who keep them (Emmons & Crumpler, 2000). For example, Emmons and McCullough conducted a series of experiments investigating the effects of gratitude on psychological and physical well-being. In the first study, college students were randomly assigned to one of three conditions. Participants were asked to briefly describe either five things they were grateful for in the past week (gratitude condition), five daily hassles from the previous week (hassles condition), or five events or circumstances that affected them in the last week (events condition). The students completed these exercises along with a variety of well-being measures once per week for 10 consecutive weeks. Students in the gratitude condition exercised more regularly, reported fewer physical symptoms, felt better about their lives as a whole, and were more optimistic about the upcoming week than were students in the other two conditions. In the second study in which college students kept daily (rather than weekly) gratitude journals, those in the gratitude condition reported higher levels of alertness, enthusiasm, determination, attentiveness, and energy compared to groups focusing on daily hassles or a downward social comparison (i.e., ways in which students thought they were better off than others). Moreover, students in the daily gratitude condition were more likely to report having helped someone with a personal problem or offering emotional support to another (i.e., engage in prosocial behavior), in comparison to students in the other two conditions (Emmons & McCullough, 2003). Finally, the results from the second study were replicated in a third study in adults with neuromuscular diseases. Specifically, not only did patients in the grateful condition demonstrate an advantage in positive affect and life satisfaction compared to other groups on self-report measures, they also were rated as being higher in subjective well-being than participants in the other two conditions based on spousal ratings (Emmons & McCullough, 2003). The positive effects of keeping a gratitude journal, therefore, may extend beyond subjective experiences and others may notice the benefits, too. 8

9 In another study involving college students, Sheldon and Lyubomirsky (2006) examined the motivational predictors and positive emotion outcomes of regularly practicing two mental exercises: counting one s blessings (gratitude) and visualizing best possible selves. In both conditions, students were required to set time aside each day for 4 weeks to visualize and write about either their blessings or their best possible selves. In a third control condition, students were required to merely think about the details of their day for the period of the study. The results indicated that students in both treatment conditions experienced greater positive affect than the control group and that continuing to perform these exercises predicted stronger positive mood in follow-up sessions. In fact, the consistent practice of gratitude over time has been described as one of the few mechanisms for enhancing and sustaining positive affect over time (Lyubomirsky et al., 2005). Most recently, Froh et al. (in press) conducted the first study examining the effects of counting blessings in early adolescence. They examined the effects of a grateful outlook on subjective well-being and other outcomes of positive psychological functioning in 221 middle school students. Eleven classes were randomly assigned to either gratitude, hassles, or control conditions. Students assigned to the gratitude condition were required to list up to five things they were grateful for each day for a 2-week period. Results of the study indicated that counting blessings was associated with enhanced self-reported gratitude, optimism, and life satisfaction, as well as decreased negative affect. Moreover, a robust relationship was found between gratitude and school satisfaction at both immediate posttest and at a 3-week follow up. Gratitude in response to aid was positively correlated with positive affect. This relationship was linear and strongest at the 3-week follow-up. Experiencing gratitude in response to aid also mediated the relationship between the intervention and general gratitude. As such, counting blessings in adolescents may be related to domain-specific gratitude (e.g., feeling thankful in response to aid) via prompting a broadened view of the specific instances of kindness in daily life. Recognizing the gift of aid another blessing to be counted may subsequently lead to more gratitude. The authors concluded that counting one s blessings appears to be an effective intervention for the enhancement of psychological well-being in early adolescence. IMPLICATIONS FOR SCHOOL PSYCHOLOGISTS Research on the development, assessment, and promotion of gratitude in children and adolescents has many important implications for school psychologists. First, school psychologists should be cognizant of the developmental trajectory of gratitude in children and how to promote its emergence. Second, given the increased emphasis in school psychology on strength-based assessment (Jimerson et al., 2004), having a working knowledge of the importance of gratitude and how to assess it seems to be beneficial. Focusing on student strengths, rather than simply their weaknesses, is consistent with the positive psychology movement and can enhance school-based consultation, collaboration, and intervention (Jimerson et al.). Exercises for cultivating gratitude may have particular implications for school-based interventions with children and youth. In particular, having students complete gratitude journals might be useful for promoting enhanced levels of subjective well-being. This practice may be particularly useful with children and youth who might be anxious or depressed. For such students, cognitive behavioral therapy models have been demonstrated to be highly effective (Merrell, 2001), and having students complete gratitude journals may be a useful component of this therapeutic approach (Bono & McCullough, 2006; Miller & Nickerson, 2007) because a lack of illness is dissimilar from health (Keyes, 2007). Negative and positive affect are orthogonal constructs (Watson, 2000). Furthermore, the use of gratitude journals may also prove beneficial for students in general, including those who do not exhibit internalizing disorders (Froh et al., 2007). For example, having all students in a classroom or school construct daily or weekly gratitude journals could be beneficial and would not be particularly time consuming on the part of school staff. In particular, having students reflect on people, events, or activities at school for which they are grateful may be especially beneficial for enhancing prosocial outcomes, including improving students levels of school connectedness and engagement (Bono & Froh, in press; Froh, 2007). 9

10 In addition to working with students to cultivate and enhance their level of gratitude, school psychologists may wish to apply many of the above interventions (e.g., keeping a gratitude journal) themselves. Given the excellent job market in school psychology (Curtis, Grier, & Hunley, 2004), as well as the generally high levels of reported job satisfaction (VanVoorhis & Levinson, 2006), it would appear that school psychologists have many reasons to be grateful. School psychologists who engage in and cultivate gratitude in their work may find as a result that their level of professional satisfaction and fulfillment is enhanced (Miller, Nickerson, Chafouleas, & Osborne, 2007). Finally, it has been suggested that happiness and education not only can but also should coexist; that is, students subjective well-being should be taken seriously by schools as well as other institutions concerned with promoting mental health and preparing children and youth for a satisfying life (Noddings, 2003). As such, the promotion of gratitude in children and youth, which is clearly related to happiness and subjective well-being, would appear to be an important and appropriate role for schools and school psychologists, particularly given that the experience and expression of gratitude is also associated with enhanced prosocial behavior (Bartlett & DeSteno, 2006; Froh & Yurkewicz, 2007a; Tsang, 2006, 2007). CONCLUSION Gratitude has been described as one of the most neglected emotions and one of the most underestimated of the virtues (Solomon, 2004, p. v). Although gratitude has been promoted as an important key to happiness and subjective well-being in various spiritual and wisdom traditions for centuries, only recently has it received empirical investigation (Emmons & Crumpler, 2000). Research on the development, assessment, and promotion of gratitude among children and adolescents appears to have clear and important implications for school psychologists, particularly given the recent emphasis on positive psychology (e.g., Chafouleas & Bray, 2004; Huebner & Gillman, 2003), wellness (e.g., Miller, Gilman, & Martens, in press), and strength-based assessment (e.g., Jimerson et al., 2004) in the schools. REFERENCES Apt, M. L. (1974). Thank you and South Asian languages: A comparative socioliguistic study. International Journal of the Society of Language, 3, Bartlett, M. Y., & DeSteno, D. (2006). Gratitude and prosocial behavior: Helping when it costs you. Psychological Science, 17, Baumgarten-Tramer, F. (1938). Gratefulness in children and young people. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 53, Becker, J. A., & Smenner, P. C. (1986). The spontaneous use of thank you by preschoolers as a function of sex, socioeconomic status, and listener status. Language in Society, 15, Berk, L. E. (2007). Child development (7th ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Bono, G., Emmons, R. A., & McCullough, M. E. (2004). Gratitude in practice and the practice of gratitude. In P. A. Linley & S. Joseph (Eds.), The practice of positive psychology (pp ). New York: John Wiley. Bono, G., & Froh, J. J. (in press). Gratitude in school: Benefits to students and schools. In R. Gilman, E. S. Huebner, & M. Furlong (Eds.), Handbook of positive psychology in the schools: Promoting wellness in children and youth. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Bono, G., & McCullough, M. E. (2006). Positive responses to benefit and harm: Bringing forgiveness and gratitude into cognitive psychotherapy. Journal of Cognitive Psychotherapy, 20, Bowlby, J. (1969). Attachment. New York: Basic Books. Chafouleas, S. M., & Bray, M. A. (2004). Introducing positive psychology: Finding a place within school psychology. Psychology in the Schools, 41, 1 5. Curtis, M. J., Grier, J. E. C., & Hunley, S. A. (2004). The changing face of school psychology: Trends in data and projections for the future. School Psychology Review, 33,

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